Translate

Showing posts with label Cuban history and culture. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Cuban history and culture. Show all posts

Saturday, June 3, 2017

House Slaves vs Field Slaves: An Analysis Of A Scene In The 1976 Cuban Film "La Ultima Cena" ("The Last Supper")

Edited by Azizi Powell

This happened on June 2, 2017 on the nationally syndicated American television talk show Real Time with Bill Maher:

Quotes from http://www.huffingtonpost.com/entry/bill-maher-racial-slur-real-time-joke_us_59322e55e4b075bff0f3aaaa?ncid=inblnkushpmg00000009 :
"While discussing the state of Nebraska, his guest, Sen. Ben Sasse (R-Neb.), told [Bill] Maher, “We’d love to have you work in the fields with us.”

Apparently confused by the invitation, Maher joked “Work in the fields? Senator, I’m a house n****r!”

Sasse looked uncomfortable, and the audience reacted with a mix of claps and groans. Then Maher, a critic of political correctness, followed up his remark by pointing out the sarcasm. “No, it’s a joke,” he said.

The “Real Time” audience seemed to quickly forgive the host with a round of applause. Waving off the reaction with his hand, Maher replied, “Thank you.”

People on Twitter, however, weren’t so forgiving."

[...]

[a tweet from Yashar Ali, a New York Magazine/GQ/Mother Jones/HuffPost Contributing Writer describing that incident and the audience's reaction from that same Huffington Post article]
Yashar verified account
@yashar

Bill Maher just said the n word, @BenSasse didn't look horrified, and the audience applauded."
11:23 PM - 2 Jun 2017

[...]

[that same article quoting four tweets from Senator Ben Sasse]

Ben Sasse ✔ @BenSasse
Am walking off a redeye from LAX.
3 reflections on @billmaher

1. I’m a 1st Amendment absolutist. Comedians get latitude to cross hard lines.
6:19 AM - 3 Jun 2017

Ben Sasse ✔ @BenSasse
2. But free speech comes with a responsibility to speak up when folks use that word. Me just cringing last night wasn’t good enough.

6:21 AM - 3 Jun 2017

Ben Sasse ✔ @BenSasse
3. Here’s what I wish I’d been quick enough to say in the moment: “Hold up, why would you think it’s OK to use that word?...

Ben Sasse ✔ @BenSasse
(4of4)
"...The history of the n-word is an attack on universal human dignity. It’s therefore an attack on the American Creed. Don't use it.” https://twitter.com/BenSasse/status/870949246094258177
6:27 AM - 3 Jun 2017"
-snip-
Here's a link to a YouTube video clip of that portion of the show:
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=EiWLJEzJoUs
-snip-
UPDATE [regarding Bill Maher's comment as indicated above:
2:40 p.m. ET [June 3, 2017] ― "Following the nonstop criticism, Maher has apologized for using a racial slur on his Friday show. In a statement to HuffPost, he said:

"Friday nights are always my worst night of sleep because I’m up reflecting on the things I should or shouldn’t have said on my live show. Last night was a particularly long night as I regret the word I used in the banter of a live moment. The word was offensive and I regret saying it and am very sorry."
http://www.huffingtonpost.com/entry/hbo-calls-bill-mahers-use-of-n-word-inexcusable-and-tasteless_us_5932e442e4b075bff0f3f3ad?p4ir&ncid=inblnkushpmg00000009
-snip-
For the record, I very much agree with those who have responded to this incident by indicating that there should be lines that even comedians don't cross regarding their use of terms that are considered to be pejorative. Furthermore, Maher's use of the term "house n****r" was counterproductive as it took the spotlight away from an important discussion about climate change that Senator Sasse and Maher had.

But instead of focusing on that particular incident, I've decided to take this opportunity to provide some information about the subject of house slaves and field slaves. And since this blog focuses on examples of Black culture, I've chosen to showcase a 1976 Cuban film about slavery in Cuba and fully quote an online article that analyzes a scene in that film which reveals some of the dynamics between house slaves and field slaves in that nation. These similar conditions and dynamics occurred between house slaves and field slaves in the United States and elsewhere.

In my opinion, that article minimized the conditions of house slaves, particularly with the statement that they never received harsh punishments.

The Addendum to this pancocojams post presents an excerpt of an article about the conditions of and dynamics between house slaves and field slaves - with particular attention to antebellum United States. I believe that article more accurately describes the oppressive conditions that house slaves often experienced.

The content of this post is presented for historical and sociological purposes.

All copyrights remain with their owners.

Thanks to all those who are quoted in this post.

****
INFORMATION ABOUT THE CUBAN FILM "LA ULTIMA CENA" ("THE LAST SUPPER")
From https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/The_Last_Supper_(1976_film)
"The Last Supper (La última cena in Spanish) a 1976 Cuban historical film directed by Tomás Gutiérrez Alea, produced by the Instituto Cubano del Arte y la Industria Cinematográficos (ICAIC) and starring Nelson Villagra as the Count.[1]

The film tells the story of a pious Havana plantation owner in the 1790s, during Cuba's Spanish colonial period. The plantation owner decides to recreate the Biblical Last Supper using twelve of the slaves working in his sugarcane fields, hoping to thus teach the slaves about Christianity.

In a misguided attempt to enlighten his African-originating slaves, a Count invites twelve of them to a dinner on Maundy Thursday in a re-enactment of the Last Supper with himself as Christ.[2] Whilst they eat and drink, he also feeds them religious rhetoric and attempts to instruct them in the workings of Christianity. He promises them a day off for the following Good Friday and commits to freeing one of the slaves. However, when these promises are not held up the next day, the slaves rebel. They (the twelve slaves whom he reenacted the last supper) are then all hunted down and killed by their master, except one who escapes.[1][3]"

****
ANALYSIS OF A SCENE IN THE CUBAN MOVIE "LA ULTIMA CENA" ("THE LAST SUPPER")
From http://www.lehigh.edu/~ineng/sem8/sem8-scene.html
"THE LAST SUPPER (LA ÚLTIMA CENA) (1976)
Scene Analysis
Roles of the Slave: Antagonisms between House Slaves and Field Slaves

[1] No matter what time or area in the institution of slavery, the position of the house slave is always a difficult one. On one hand, the house slave is in a privileged position, free from the barbaric schedules and disciplines the field slaves are subjected to. At the same time the house slave serves as living proof for slave owners that the practice of slavery need not lay on their consciences. Household slaves were grateful to be in that position and rarely (if ever) complained, since doing so could jeopardize their situation. In The Last Supper the difference of treatment of Emundo, the Count’s house slave, and the rest of the blacks is noteworthy, particularly when Emundo is dismissed from the table at the supper (1:03:55). The goal of this essay is to show that the film, while judging Emundo’s loyalty as counterproductive to the cause of the other slaves, recognizes that the house slave’s position is impossible.

[2] The position of the house slave on the plantation served to divert many blacks from questioning their treatment and attempting to fight it. Being a household slave meant security and entitlement to the black, creating an environment where slaves yearned for a higher position in the slave system rather than pondering ways the fight the system itself. In his autobiography, Montejo Esteban, a former slave from Cuba in the 1860's, recognizes that field slaves despised the house slaves, and that house slaves believed they were more on the level of master than slave:

I don’t think the household slaves did [understand Christianity] either, although, being so refined and well treated, they all made out they were Christian. The household slaves were given rewards by the masters, and I never saw one of them badly punished. When they were ordered to go to the fields to cut cane or tend the pigs, they would pretend to be ill so they needn’t work. For this reason the field slaves could not stand the sight of them. The household slaves sometimes came to the barracoons to visit relations and used to take back fruit and vegetables for the master’s house; I don’t know whether the slaves made them presents from their plots of land or whether they just took them. They caused a lot of trouble in the barracoons. The men came and tried to take liberties with the women. That was the source of the worst tensions. (37)

Montejo’s construction of the house slaves as enemy is a valuable one for understanding the importance of the Count’s behavior toward Emundo in the supper scene. For the field slaves the house slave was not a fellow black but a creature pretending to be white, a traitor to those in the field. For the field slave in the Cuban sugarmill, life was brutal and dangerous, a world where “The mills were like huge grinders which chewed up blacks like cane. Growing old was a privilege as rare as it was sad, especially in the super-barbaric stage of slavery” (Fraginals 143). At the same time being a field slave meant a life of terror and pain, in many ways being a household slave meant living a “white” life. The household slave’s continual presence around the master meant many luxuries. The slave had to bathe constantly and wear clothes that made him look presentable to the whites. The household was a representation of how well the owner kept the plantation, making traits considered “white” at the time such as cleanliness, intelligence, and civility essential. Such a privileged life, if we may call it that, inspired antagonism among the field slaves, who knew such a life existed for only certain blacks. The field slaves’ laughter at Emundo being chastised reinforces that antagonistic dynamic.

[3] Likewise, a feeling of the household slaves that they were above working with the field slaves, that they were better or more deserving of privilege, became inevitable. Antonio’s request to be brought back in the villa earlier in the scene, indicates that there was a mutual antagonism between household and field slaves. He asks the master, “Are you going to send me back to all those dirty slaves?” (28:18). Antonio believes that what sets him apart from the other slaves is that he has worked in the villa, an experience that makes him better than those he is now forced to live with. Emundo’s placement in the background reminds Antonio of the position taken from him, a position he yearns to retrieve. Emundo’s presence inspires hatred or jealousy from all, an uncomfortable situation the admonishment makes clear.

[4] In his loyalty to the master, Emundo positions himself against the field slaves who are enjoying the master’s drunkenness. The Count’s inebriated state creates a role reversal. The slaves have an opportunity to have fun at the Count’s expense, an opportunity they realize they will probably never have again. By attempting to end the dinner before the Count embarrasses himself further, Emundo places himself firmly on the side of the Count, and, just as firmly, positions himself against the field slaves. Instead of performing the role of attending to the master, Emundo defends the master against the slaves, something he need not necessarily do. The Count’s retort is unexpected and scathing, a remark that delineates the field slaves as the Count’s privileged group and Emundo as a criminal transgressor: “And who are you to give me orders? Are you forgetting the role you have to play? Your master! Understand? Your master! Clear off” (1:03:55).

[5] The Count’s reaction becomes a triumph for the field slaves, a reversal of position in the slave hierarchy. The Count’s outburst is a doctrine practiced largely on the field slaves, the ideology that the black has been given a subservient role in his life and he must never attempt to transcend it. The insult sparks laughter among field slaves, and this humiliation may be worse for Emundo than the tongue-lashing from the Count. The Count’s participation in the field slaves’ mockery of Emundo positions the field hands in a role of intimacy with the Count, a role exclusively for Emundo until he tries to defend the Count from making a mockery of himself.

[6] The Count’s admonishment is especially acidic for Emundo, who has already been told he is a better human being than the field slaves in front of whom he is insulted. Emundo’s position is the result of the Count’s generosity, a position Emundo knows relies on the premise that he remains loyal to the Count in all circumstances. Up until this point Emundo’s loyalty merits rewards, among them the assurance that he is a friend of the Count and deserves his position above the field hands. Now Emundo is commanded to believe the exact opposite, that he is the outsider and the field slaves at the table have usurped his position. Emundo’s power and status are taken away in an instant, creating a much worse state of mind than the field slaves (except Antonio) who have never experienced Emundo’s position of privilege.

[7] But the groupings are not as simple as house slave and field slave. Antonio and Ambrosio, both field slaves who internalized feelings of worthlessness forced on them by the institution the Count defends, side with Emundo by interrupting the field slaves’ fun. The Count is unconscious, something Antonio and Ambrosio are clearly aware of when they defend the Count as a good master. This awareness of the Count’s unconsciousness puts the two slaves in the most difficult position of all, a house slave working in the field, defending a master when doing so will not result in any reward from the Count. This dialogue recognizes the difficult role of the field hands who have maintained or wish to maintain the house slave position. As the current household slave, Emundo’s position is the most difficult of all, a position the film makes sympathetic.

[8] The film recognizes that Emundo’s position during the supper is an impossible one. He can never be accepted or respected by the field slaves around him, a fact that becomes obvious when Antonio is ignored throughout the dinner after siding with the count at the beginning of the supper. Like Antonio’s position with the other field slaves, Emundo’s position of privilege with the master is also destroyed. He can no longer assume the Count will treat him as he always has, and so Emundo’s hope is that the Count will return to normal once he is sober. But the Count’s promises, promises that have saved Emundo from the field, are no longer reliable. Emundo’s place of privilege now depends on a second reversal of the Count’s loyalties. The consequences if the Count does not reestablish his bond with Emundo could be as disastrous as Antonio, the humiliating and brutal role of field slave substituted for the role of the household slave that has left Emundo spoiled. When asked to have the field slaves convey a message, Emundo responds, “I’ll go. The sugarmill blacks are too stupid" (13:58). The threat of being grouped with or below this group is a constant threat, one Emundo can only endure as the field slaves endure their daily brutality.

[9] Emundo’s difficulty serves a pattern Alea demonstrates throughout the film, showing constant division among the slaves as a weakness that plagues them throughout their existence. The field slaves at the supper are slaves because they were sold by their African enemies. During the supper they bicker about what to do if forced to work Good Friday. Barring Sebastian, the slaves who were at the supper are caught after they separate. Emundo’s attitude serves as another division, but a division the film understands and forgives. Emundo is only a traitor to some. To others, he is where they want to be.

Works Cited

Fraginals, Manuel Moreno. The Sugarmill: The Socioeconomic Complex of Sugar in Cuba, 1760-1860. New York: Monthly Review, 1976.

Montejo, Esteban. The Autobiography of a Runaway Slave. Ed. Miguel Barnet. Trans. Jocast Innes. New York: Pantheon, 1968.

Copyright (c) 2000 by Sean Patrick Magee, Graduate student at Lehigh University.

This text may be used and shared in accordance with the fair-use provisions of the U.S. copyright law, and it may be archived and redistributed in electronic form, provided that the author is notified and no fee is charged for access. Archiving, redistribution, or republication of this text on other terms, in any medium, requires the consent of the author."
-snip-
This article includes a hyperlink to this scene in that film, but that hyperlink no longer works. Here's a link to a YouTube video of that entire film (with English sub-titles) https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=g_CPbHIgnF4 "The Last Supper" La Ultima Cena, Tomas Gutierrez Alea, 1976. with English subtitles"

****
ADDENDUM = EXCERPT FROM ARTICLE ABOUT HOUSE SLAVES AND FIELD SLAVES IN THE UNITED STATES
http://www.encyclopedia.com/humanities/applied-and-social-sciences-magazines/house-slaves-overview House Slaves: An Overview
Gale Library of Daily Life: Slavery in America
COPYRIGHT 2008 Gale Group

..."Differences between the work of house servants and field hands led to sharp social class distinctions within the plantation system. Socially speaking, house servants were considered a privileged class among the enslaved population. Because of their physical proximity to the home of the plantation owner, they often absorbed the culture and associated material benefits of the master (Ingraham 1860, pp. 34-36). The overseer, to control the behavior and work habits of the enslaved, used these divisions skillfully. Plantation owners who were disgruntled with their house servants would threaten to make these servants work out in the fields. Slave owners also made an attempt to ensure that house servants and field hands would remain socially isolated, both physically and psychologically, from one another even if they shared blood ties. House servants were threatened with flogging if they were caught interacting with field hands (Williams 1838, p. 48). In many ways, the notion of the happy house slave portrayed in movies such as Gone with the Wind, and the rebellious field slave are both mythic and simplistic. The lives and social consciousness of field hands and house servants were most often extremely complex.

The life of a house servant was often harsh and demeaning. Women house servants in particular were both desired and routinely raped by the plantation owner. Because they lived in close proximity to the master's family, the house servant was naturally absorbed into its many social conflicts. The master's desire for a slave mistress caused severe problems if he was married. In many cases the mistress of the house resented the presence of female house servants. Women house servants served as a constant reminder of marital infidelity. In response mistresses would often abuse their female house servants physically by slapping their faces, boxing their ears, and flogging. House servants were required to defer socially to the members of the master's family regardless of age differences. Elder men were required to refer to the teenage and adolescent children of the master as sir and ma'am. Elder women who often served as wet nurses for white infants were required to defer to them as adults (Jacobs 1861). In addition, house servants served as informants for the master and overseer, concerning the possibility of revolt by field hands. By the same token, house servants often performed the role of spy for field hands planning a rebellion. Being in close proximity to the master, they were privy to enormous amounts of information concerning the daily habits, hopes, fears, strengths, and weaknesses of the plantation system and its managers. This information would be vital to field hands who were planning an escape or a successful revolt. Although the nature of work performed by the house servant was much different from the work performed by the field hand, the overarching presence of the slave system and its coercive, violent, and humiliating methods of socialization invariably would define the lives of the enslaved regardless of their status within the plantation system."...
-snip-
Here's a link to a Wikipedia page about house slaves and field slaves in the USA: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/House_slave

****
Thanks for visiting pancocojams.

Visitor comments are welcome.

Thursday, February 23, 2017

The Nigerian Origins & Cuban Meanings Of The Word "Lukumi"

Edited by Azizi Powell

This post provides excerpts of selected online articles and discussion forum comments about the word "lukumi". Additional excerpts are from online introductions from Lukumi dictionaries/glossaries.

The content of this post is presented for etymological, historical, and cultural purposes.

Note: I compile hyperlinked excerpts of online articles/discussion threads to make pancocojams visitors aware of these resources and to help increase the likelihood that those online articles/discussion threads will be preserved for the historical and cultural record.

I encourage pancocojams readers to click on those links and read the full articles, discussion threads, and dictionaries/glossaries.

All copyrights remain with their owners.

Thanks to all those who are quoted in this post.

****
EXCERPTS FROM SELECTED ONLINE SOURCES ABOUT THE WORD "LUKUMI"
These excerpts are given in no particular order. I've numbered them for referencing purposes only.

Article Excerpt #1:
From http://www.orishaimage.com/blog/yoruba-lukumi-guide THE INCOMPLETE YORÙBÁ GUIDE TO LUKUMÍ [retrieved Feb. 23, 2017]

Introduction

Like many “aleyos” I first came into contact with Orisha worship while travelling to Cuba. I went there to study popular Latin percussion and ended up taking folkloric batá drum lessons. Years later I was learning songs and prayers of the Lukumí-people, as the Yorùbá descendants call themselves there - from my Padrino. I always wanted to know their exact meaning and recognized that interpretation varies a lot. As I was enrolled in African language studies as a student at first I thought it should not be too difficult deciphering the Yorùbá. I started taking private Yorùbá classes with a Nigerian teacher and got into the “retranslation-issue”. I wanted to share some of my personal experience in this post.

The term “Yorùbá” itself has its roots in the Hausa people and their language in the northern parts of Nigeria. They call their neighbours in the south today still “Bàyarabé”. This name was adopted by the colonists and over the centuries became “Yorùbá”. The Yorùbá people in the past would have defined themselves as the subgroup and dialect group they belonged to, linked to different kingdoms, not as a single ”nation”. Also in Cuba various “cabildos de nación” existed, with names like Oyo, Egguado, Ibada, Iyechá, Ketu, Ife etc. This shows that Yorùbá slaves once sticked to their local identities even in the diaspora of slavery. In their own language Yorùbá would call themselves “ọmọ Odùduwà”, childs of Oduduwa. Nowadays the term “Yorùbá” is of course widely in use and many Lukumí in Cuba also use it to describe their culture.

Slave-trade grouped African people together into different categories. Loose ethnic or local descriptions were used for people of the same origin, like Ewe/Fon-speaking slaves from the area of the city Alada in today's Republic of Benin became registered as “Arara” at the port in Havana, or ”Rada” in Haiti. The term ”Lukumí” comes from a name that was given to a certain region in Yorùbá-land called "Ulkami, Ulcumi, Ulkuma, Lucamee" and can be found in historic maps from colonial times in West Africa. In Cuba this became the name for Yorùbá speaking people to refer to their own “nation”.

For this article I differ between Yorùbá, the spoken language in Nigeria, and Lukumí, the remains of this language as used by the Spanish-speaking people in Cuba for reciting prayers and songs of their ancestors. The language Yorùbá had no written form up to 1850, when Samuel A.Crowther, a freed Yorùbá-slave, translated the bible into Yorùbá. He was educated and raised by Christian missionaries in Sierra Leone, where many captured slaveships where unloaded by the British. He developed the first standard of written Yorùbá, using the English alphabet based on Oyo and Ibadan dialects...

There is also a general tendency to mark Yorùbá-words in Lukumí with a diacritic mark on the end of the word, as a kind of general sign for any Yorùbá-word. In my experience it is often pronounced correctly in speech, but when it comes to writing, Lukumí often does not correlate to the spoken language. Like the Yorùbá-term “Òsùn” (Ifá-staff, known as “Oricha guerrero” in Cuba). Although written “Osún” or “Ozún” in Lukumí it is always pronounced with an emphasis on the first syllable. It seems like the diacritic marks often are just used for decorating a word of African origin....

Yor. Èṣù = Luk. Echú (name of Orisha)
Yor. Ọya = Luk. Oyá (name of Orisha)
Yor. bàtà (shoes), bàtá (name of a drum) = Luk. batá (shoes, name of a drum)
Yor. Ọbàtálá = Luk. Obatalá (name of Orisha)
Yor. ìlù (drum), ilú (city) = Luk. ilú (drum or city)
Yor. ọ̀tá (enemy), ọta (stone) = Luk. otá (enemy or stone)
Yor. ara (body), ará (people), àrá (thunder) = Luk. ará (body, people, thunder)….

Yor. Ṣ = Luk. CH

The Yorùbá “ṣ” sound, depending on the dialect, is more or less like the English “sh” in “shoulder“ and does not exist in Spanish. Instead it became a strong and sharp sounding “ch” sound (pronounced like in English ”etching”), almost without any exception. Wande Abimbola said in the book “Ifá will mend the broken world” there are also Yorùbá dialects which pronounce the “ṣ” in this strong way and maybe this is also due to the influence of slaves from the Kétu or Ònkò region. Although it is obvious that it has to do a lot with Spanish influence as well.

Yor. àṣẹ = Luk. aché (universal energy)
Yor. Òrìṣà = Luk. Oricha (spiritual entity)
Yor. Ọ̀ṣun = Luk. Ochún (name of Orisha)
Yor. aṣọ = Luk. achó (piece of clothes)
Yor. ṣaworo (jingling bells) = Luk. chaworó (bells on bàtá-drums)
Yor. double vowels = Luk. one vowel"

****
Article Excerpt #2:
From ttps://translate.google.com/translate?hl=en&sl=es&u=http://www.lahistoriaconmapas.com/historia/definicion-de-lucumi/&prev=search [translated from Spanish to English]
"Lucumí

01/11/2007 History
Tweet
Voice of Yoruba African origin, belonging to Afrocuban cultural and religious lexicon, and, more specifically, Santeria, Afro-Cuban popular religion, often used as a synonym for Yoruba, especially in religious contexts related to the Santera religion.

In any case, the origins and the evolution of the term are very confusing, since it was introduced massively mainly in the XVIII and XIX centuries, with the development of the sugar industry. Some specialists have argued that it is related to Ulkumy, a region situated to the east of the kingdom of Dahomey, in present-day southern Nigeria, which, beginning in 1734, began to appear in documentary sources under a different name, Ayo or Oyó. It was one of the regions where thousands of Yoruba slaves, kidnapped by the traffickers of European and American men, went to the islands of the Caribbean and many other American ports. Scholars like Heriberto Feraudy have pointed out, however, that the Lucumí voice comes from the term yoruba olùkumi "I am a good man", that would have been repeated by the slaves, by way of protection or protest of innocence, when they were deported.

Bibliography

BARNET, Miguel. Afro-Cuban Cults: The Rule of Ocha. The Rule of Palo Monte (Havana, 1995).
FERNÁNDEZ MARTÍNEZ, Mirta and PORRAS POTTS, Valentina. The ashé is in Cuba (La Habana, 1998).

JMP

LUCUMÍ
Source: Britannica"

****
Article Excerpt #3:
From http://pluralism.org/religions/afro-caribbean/afro-caribbean-traditions/santeria-the-lucumi-way/
"Of all the New World societies, Cuba received captives from the greatest mix of African origins. They came from all parts of the coast and interior of western Africa, their numbers dwarfing all reliable estimates of the number of captives brought to the entire United States. Between 500,000 and 700,000 Africans reached Cuba, the majority arriving in the nineteenth century. The size, diversity, and continual replenishment of this population allowed a rich array of African-inspired religions to flourish there, even beyond the end of the slave trade.

The gods of West Africa are called orisha in Yoruba, oricha in Spanish. Yoruba people also speak of a supreme being, Olorun or Olodumare, whose power or life-energy, called ashe, becomes manifest through both ancestral spirits and the orisha. In Cuba, as in Haiti, West African gods became paired with Roman Catholic saints in syncretistic relationships. In Cuba, the ruler of lightning, called Shango in Yoruba and Chango in Spanish, is identified with St. Barbara. Ogun, the lord of iron and technology, is identified with St. George, Babalu Aye is identified with St. Lazarus, and Yemaya, goddess of the sea, with Our Lady of Regla, the patroness of a Havana suburb.

It has long been common to call Cuban oricha-worship “Santería” because of the identification of the orichas with the saints. However the term is now being rejected by those who think it overemphasizes the Catholic and syncretistic elements. Increasingly, many within the Afro-Caribbean tradition prefer to call it La Regla Lucumi, “the order of Lucumi,” or La Regla de Ocha, “the order of the orichas.” The term Lucumi is said to derive from a Yoruba greeting meaning, “my friend.”

In the past few decades, Santería, or La Regla Lucumi, has come to the United States with Cuban immigrants: in New York, for instance, some believe the Statue of Liberty embodies the presence of Yemaya. Botanicas selling the religious articles, herbs, candles, and images of the tradition proliferate in Miami, Seattle, and New York. It is estimated that between 250,000 and one million practice Santería in the United States. However there is no visible infrastructure, and most practitioners, if asked, would publicly identify themselves as Catholic.”...

****
Article Excerpt [Discussion Forum] #4:
From http://www.nairaland.com/838249/yoruba-language-most-influential-nigerian/4
Re: Yoruba Language Is The Most Influential Nigerian Language Outside Nigeria. by Ptolomeus(m): 9:31pm On Feb 03, 2012Re: Yoruba Language Is The Most Influential Nigerian Language Outside Nigeria. by Ptolomeus(m): 9:31pm On Feb 03, 2012
"Dear friend amor4ce
Reading his interesting presentation, I noticed that you separate the Yoruba language of the "Lucumi" languaje. The term "Lucumi" is widely used on the island of Cuba to refer to both the Yoruba language as them. In my work as a researcher, some documents refer to the term "Lucumi" became so used to calling the Yoruba, under which they (the Yoruba) very often used the phrase "Lukumí" that mean something in Yoruba as "my friend"...

**
Re: Yoruba Language Is The Most Influential Nigerian Language Outside Nigeria. by amor4ce(m): 1:03am On Feb 06, 2012
"The Yoruba-speaking people of Cuba who are called Lucumi just might be the descendants of their fellow Yoruba speakers in Delta state of Nigeria who call themselves and their Yoruba dialect Ulukwumi. Note that some Igbo people on this forum have been trying to claim the Ulukwumi as Igbo."

****
Article #5 & #6
#5: From https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ulukwumi_language
"Ulukwumi is a small Yoruba language spoken among the Edoid languages of Delta State, Nigeria."

**
#6:
From https://www.ethnologue.com/language/ulb
"Ulukwumi
A language of Nigeria
Population
L1 users: 10,000 (Crozier and Blench 1992).
Location
Edo state: Esan South East LGA, west of Niger river."
-snip-
From http://legacy.joshuaproject.net/people-profile.php?peo3=15704&rog3=NI “The Joshua Project” indicates that there are 18,000 Ulukwumi in Nigeria. “Ulukwumi” on that page refers to the ethnic group-a subset of Yoruba- and to the language that they speak.

****
Article Excerpt #7 & #8
#7:
From https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Lucum%C3%AD_people
"The Lucumí people are an Afro-Cuban ethnic group[1] of Yoruba ancestry[2] that practice La Regla Lucumí.[3][4]"

**
#8:
From https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Lucum%C3%AD_language
"Lucumí is a Yoruba dialect and the liturgical language of Santería in Cuba.[3][4] It is sometimes known as Yorùbá.[5] It is the language of the Yoruba people, brought to the New World by African slaves, and preserved in Santería, Candomblé, and other transplanted African religions. The Yoruba descendents in these communities, as well as non-descendents that have adopted one of the Yoruba-based religions in the diaspora, no longer speak any of the Yoruba dialects with any level of fluency. And the liturgical usage also reflects the compromise of the language whereby there isn't an understand of correct grammar nor proper intonation. Spirit possession by the Yoruba deities in Cuba shows that the deity manifested in the devotee at a Cuban orisa ceremony delivers messages to the faithful in Bozal, a type of Spanish-based creole with some words of Yoruba language as well as those of Bantu origin with an inflection similar to the way Africans would speak as they were learning Spanish during enslavement."

****
Article Excerpt [Dictionary List] #9
From http://www.orishanet.org/vocab.html
"Lucumí Vocabulary

Lucumí or Lacumí is the Yoruba language as it is spoken in Cuba and the United States. Yoruba is a tonal language like Chinese...

I should note here that Lacumí is an oral tradition and that the written versions were meant to be more "cheat sheets" than anything else and should not be used as "proof" of the decomposition of the language. Lakumí speakers in Matanzas and other areas speak very much as any Yoruba speaker would. I have spoken with Nigerian born Yoruba speakers in Lacumí without any difficulty whatsoever. In fact, on one occasion I was greeted with a very surprised "you speak Yoruba!!!" from the astonished Yoruba man I was speaking with.”...

****
Article Excerpt #10
From https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Santer%C3%ADa
"Santería, also known as Regla de Ochá , La Regla de Ifá,[1][2] or Lucumi is a syncretic religion of Caribbean origin that developed in the Spanish Empire among West African descendants. Santeria is also a Spanish word that means the worship of saints. Santería is influenced by and syncretized with Roman Catholicism. Its liturgical language, a dialect of Yoruba, is also known as Lucumí."

****
Article Excerpt [Glossary] #11
From http://www.archerbarron.com/a-glossary-of-lucumi-words-and-ideas/
"A Glossary of Lucumi Words and Ideas

This glossary of English, Spanish and Lucumí terms aims at illuminating aspects of How to Greet Strangers, not at providing a full description of the Lucumí religious tradition also known as Santería. For further information, see: Santería: African Spirits in America by Joseph M. Murphy; Santería Enthroned: Art Ritual and Innovation in an Afro-Cuban Religion by David M. Brown; and The Diloggun: The Orishas, Proverbs, Sacrifices, and Prohibitions of Cuban Santeria by Ocha’ni Lele.

Unless a word is noted as English, this glossary follows Spanish rules for accent. If an accent is marked, the stress of the word falls on the marked syllable. Words with unmarked accents are to be pronounced according to normal Spanish rules: on the next to last syllable if the word ends in a vowel, n or s; in all other cases on the last syllable. Modern Yoruba, sister language to Lucumí, has its own system of accent and other diacritical marks. The Spanish accent system is more accurate to the pronunciation of these words in the Yoruban diaspora in both Cuba and the United States."...

****
Thanks for visiting pancocojams.

Visitor comments are welcome.