Edited by Azizi Powell
This pancocojams post presents Part II of my excerpt of a 1981 dissertation by Deirdre Doris Hansen, University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, South Africa. I happened upon this PDF while searching online for information about the body stances and movements that were done and are done while singing and dancing to isiXhosa music.
This excerpt is from page 113 through page 153 (with portions of those pages and with a number of those pages not included in this excerpt.)
This post is a continuation of my (somewhat arbitrary) excerpting of sections of that lengthy 411 page dissertation. That pancocojams post https://pancocojams.blogspot.com/2026/10/xhosa-south-african-music-singing.html was originally published in October 2023 and is completely reprinted in October 2026 provides an excerpt of chapter 2 of that dissertation (from 19 to page 41). A number of portions of those pages weren't excerpted.
*I haven't read this entire dissertation. Instead, I've done a cursory reading of sections that I was/am most interested in regarding this general subject, in part sparked by my interest in traditional and contemporary South African music and dance (but particularly my interest in South African gumboot dancing, gwijo songs and Zulu ukusina dancing and what, if any, similarities those traditions/customs and groups have with historically African American Greek letter fraternities/sororities and/or other African American cultural groups and styles such as soul line dancing (particularly trail ride line dancing).
The content of this post is presented for historical, socio-cultural, and educational purposes.
All copyrights remain with their owners.
Thanks to Deirdre Doris Hansen for her research and writing. Thanks to all those who contributed to this research and thanks to the person or persons who published this dissertation online.
-snip-
Click https://pancocojams.blogspot.com/2026/10/xhosa-south-african-music-singing.html for the reprint of October 2023 forthe post that I'm now referring to as Part I of this pancocojams series that consists of excerpts of Xhosa music, singing, dancing, and hand clapping.
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DISCLAIMER
I am an African American who knows very little about South African culture other than what I've read online and offline and what I've watched in YouTube videos.
I recommend that people interested in traditional Xhosa music read that entire dissertation or, at least, a fuller portion of that dissertation that I'm excerpting in this pancocojams blog.
In addition to the valuable cultural information and observations about amaXhosa culture, this dissertation includes riveting accounts about how Deirdre Doris Hansen, a White South African woman, eventually was accepted by some and then by other (but not all) amaXhosa, which enabled her to do ethnomusicology fieldwork among that population during apartheid (1969-1972).
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1981 DISSERTATION EXCERPT
[from fieldwork among the amaXhosa in 1969-1972].
The text of this dissertation is given "as is" (with typographical errors or misspelled words).
https://core.ac.uk/download/pdf/188774534.pdf
THE MUSIC OF THE XHOSA - SPEAKING PEOPLE
Deirdre Doris Hansen
A Dissertation Submitted to the Faculty of Arts, University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg,
for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy, Grahamstown 1981
[…]
[page] 113
..."Music is an intrinsic part of Cape Nguni social life; it is performed and enjoyed by a large number of people,
many of whom are accomplished in some form of music, while a few
are considered to be outstanding musicians. In western modern
industrial societies, with their complex division of labour, and marked as they are by occupational specialization,
advanced technologies and scientific knovJledge, music is not as
fully integrated into daily life. Although many people listen to,
[page] 114
and enjoy it, relatively few peoplA actively participate in
it and even fewer are accomplished. People are divided socially into specialized groups - artists, scholars, artisans,
merchants, engineers, etc. - and every person depends on his fellowmen
for a livelihood. But because he never meets all of them, this , interdependence of people in a common task t is forgotten Blacking 1969: lO ). In contrast, there is
still face - to - face co - operation in Cape Nguni society: each perS(jrl is aware of hifl independe'1.ce on others, although
he is self - supporting. Thus eV9ryone tends to forget how important everyo~e else is in society. Music is no longer an integral and functioning part of society; it has become entertainment, or a~ least is closely connecte1 with it.
[page] 115
As such' it brings people together for as long as it is seen and heard, and then it is forgotten and people are separated once more' ( Blacking 1964: 41). An example is
the symphony season of the National Orchestra of the South African Broadcasting Corporation which is held annually and which everyone who can afford it, attends. In view of this one can argue that western European music reinforces social
solidarity in much the same way as Xhosa music, for it
brings together a certain section of the society for a certain
length of time. But the solidarity function of traditional Xhosa music was much greater for it brought together a very large
portion of the society, and the whole society conceptually.
Th8 principle of individual in community is epitomized in the structure of Xhosa music. Just as the life of each person
[page] 115
is bound up with the community and its well - being, so in music are the efforts of each person directed toward the satisfactory performance of a song. Each person must sing and dance well and co - operate with his neighbour so that the total pattern of the song be correct and its performance therefore satisfactory and successful. Thus in both society and in music, the individual contributes to the good of the community.
Since almost everyone participates in music, there is no basic distinctio~ between , artist ' and ' audience ' which is characteristic of western European music. The concepts ' art and' artist ' reflect the specialization which is a main feature of modern complex societies, and which is virtually absent in simple societies.
In Cape Nguni society today, as far as performances of traditional Xhosa music are concerned, there is no separation from' artist ' and' audience, because everyone sings with and not for someone. There is, therefore, no concept of ' solo I musical performance which implies such a separation.
Vocal style and vocal technique
In communal performances, ' s610 ' singing is confined to starting a song and leading off the chorus. The' soloist t 16 is called umhlabeli ( song leader) or umkhokeli entlabelweni ( , leader in the singing' ). He/she will - hlabela ( lit. ' stab for ' ) the chorus, who - ~ ( I agree ' ) in response. IDlabe la . is used when referring to the singing of one person. The phrase "uku hlaba umkhosi " ( , to sound the war cry' ), which was used in olden times, is still heard today at Black competitive sporting events, e.g. football matches. When the rival teams sing their songs to encourage their players, they are said to" hlaba umkhosi ". - Vuma a lso means' I to sing I ( cf. ..;;uku=~_vu~m_a, p. 19 ), but it is used in non - musical contexts, as when a person signifies his approval by a consenting nod and/or grunt of the head, when he is said to I umvum' umhloko I. - Vuma denotes the singing of two or more persons. It is used in various contexts ( thes'e are given in the Xhosa dicti'onaries ) but has two main mean ings: (i) agree, consent, assent to, accede and so on, and
(ii) to sing, always with some one, or others. Thus - vuma also indicates the nature of Xhosa music: it is harmonic in concept; it is something done by several persons, and
conflists of several voices sounding together. Furthermore, - vuma implies that the part sung by the chorus ( who are called
[page] 117
ab~',vumi ) must fit, mllst agree with the part sung by the : o~e leader. In fact, the chorus part derives from the song leader's part, and finishes it off musically. Once both
parts are sung, the song pattern is established.
The steady handc lap accompaliment ( u':~ - qhwaba ) \-Jhich co~stitutes the metrical framework of the song ( as it does
of near ly a 11 Xhos.~, music ) is usua lly begun by the leader
of Vie chorils, either befor·' or after the song leader enters
with
the S03f melody. Exceptions to this general rule are the , perso~al ' so~gs (amagwijo ) in which the claps are often introduced by the ' owner " 1<10 c.lso ac-t s as
song leader ( cf Figure 13 (a) and (b) :l34-6). Song and clap entries never coincide.
[...]
[page] 124
The song commences with a statement of the song-melody by the sone leader and chorusj this may be regarded as an Introduction. At first glance this Introduction appears to have been abridged, having a total duration of 11X~ clap beats, whereas strophe length, whic~ becomes apparent in the second statement of the song melody, ( No.2 in transcription, Figure ll(a) , is 16)(.') clap beats. In fact, the song leader's part which 'lines the song' ( i.e. introduces it ) actually commences between the 2nd and 3rd claps of the basic metre (X = where the claps would be). The claps are introduced by the chorus in bar 12, on a beat corresponding to no. 14 of the basic clap pattern of 16 claps.
[…]
[page] 125
It is do~e quite spontaneo~sly, and there is no prescribed vari3tion procedure for any specific type of song.
Improvisation is a st~ndnrd techGique of Xhosa m~sic, a~d l~ccent - variation is a way of improvising on the basic cl~pped pattern of a so~g witho~t in any way disturhing its vitally important rhyth~ic organization.
Tone quality is fairly important to the Cape Nguni.
Although their singing emerges initially fro~ an I open' or relatively relaxed throat, and has a smooth and rounded quality ( the song le~der being the exception as she tends to sing rather stridently), it changes during the course of a song when the singers, caught up in the emotional intensity engendered by the music, start to shout rather than to sing.
This forced singing results in an overall I big sound " which is what is required if·a song is to qualify as being sung well.
Spe~king generally, the Cape Nguni may be said to sing with a I relaxed, op~n - throated I vocal technique, which becomes more tense and hoarse - sounding as the perforri1ance get sunder way. Thus their vocal style falls easily into the song style category assessed for the ' Bantu - African Hunter core ' ( excluding the Pygmies and Bushmen) by Alan Lomax and Edwin Erickson ( 1968). Speaki:lg about the' remarkable homogen - eity , of song - ztyle ' illustrhted on the African map these authors write:
'This striking uniformity of style covering perhaps a quarter of the continent, and linking large numbers of Bantu - speaking people to the Southern coast of the bulge and adjacent portions of the Sudan, may well be an important historical marker. The Upper Nile is the most similar to the South African Bantu, s~gg~8ting perhaps a style trace following the li~es of East African pastoralism' ( Lomax 1968: 92 - 94 )
Concerninp: the singing style of these peoples, Lomax and Erickson continue:
'The r?gional profile is dominated by the style features of the Bantu - African Hunter core. The maJor approach to song is choral and antiphonal, with the characteristic use of overlap, so that at least two parts are fr0quently active at the same time. A well - blended, rhythmically tight, often polyphonic choral performance is the norm in most areas. The major vocal style is clear and unconstricted but with playful and intermittent use of high register, yodel, nasality, rasp and forcefulness. Rhythm is strictly maintained, as in most primitive styles and in most well - blended styles as well. Consonants are slurred over and texts are highly repetitious.
Everything contributes to an open texture, inviting participation fostered by a rock - steady beat, and by clear, liquid voices singing one note per syllable multileveled, multiparted, highly integrated, and playful - voiced' ( ibid. ).
Th8 above assessment is broadly descriptive of the singing style of the Cape Nguni; however, there are certain vocal characteristics which, as we shall see, are peculiar to Cape Nguni singing, and these will be discussed shortly. Hoarseness is usually the result of singing loudly and long. Should singers become hoarse or even lose their voices, they are usually congratulated for having given a satisfactory performance. On the other hand, should a singer , squeeze ' the sound from hiS/her throat ( - khameka ) to
the extent that he makes screeching sounds ( khala kabukha1i_), he/she is given a violent poke or push, (I have seen a woman tap such an offender sharply on the head with her stick) and told to lower ( - thob~ ) hiS/her voice, and not to I sing like a child I. Children tend to Sing at full volu~e; this
is
taken for granted and never checked, unless they also
screech or make similar unpleasant sounds.
School choirs are trained rather rigorously. I have attended countless r~hearsals, and in all these great attention was paid to tone quality as well as general interprgtation of the song, the choirmaster often intro ducing ~~pressiv~ signs into the solfa score and i'1sisting that the children observe them. Should the child~en have fa.iled to sing the exact notes written in the score, " hich they were' taught by rote ( a~'ld they nearly always di:1 this they \~er(' not checked so long as the notes that they DID sing fitted in with the other voicR parts. School children thus did exactly what their tribal brothers and sisters did when they sang. They simply improvised on their respective voice pout s \"l:'lich they had assiduous ly learnt by rote.
Variation in tone quality is of far greater importance than tone quality per see The rhythmic 'heterophony , which results when a number of people sing together, takes on tone colour, when a few of them' sing with the throat' ( - vuma ngomqala ) and' change the voice' ( jika ilizwi) OR produce peculiar vocal - percussive sounds in regular metre.
The voice - changing technique called uku - ngqokola is known and practised by all the chiefdom clusters. The Bhaca and Mfengu have an alternate term - uku - ndyondya - meaning , to breathe with difficulty, as in cases of asthma; to speak in a deep voice ' A Mfengu woman described - ndyondya as ' singing in a deep. rasping voice, breathing with trouble as if one had umkhuhlane ( umkhuhlwane ) ( catarrh, 'flu, etc. )'. The voice takes its rise from a partially constricted gullet; the singer presses his chin
back into the neck, focuses his voice down into the bottom of his throat ( - deni, lit. ' down there, a long way' ), and
[page] 128
sings as throatily as he can. This detracts from the clarity of the notes of the melody. The lee;ato phrasing, character istic of a II Cape Nguni singing, bpcomes distorted: the singer deliberately slides from one tone to the next in a heavy glissando. Some singers do not sink their chins into the n 0 ck, and one can observe and feel their throat muscles become taut and distended as they sing. Vocal tension is considerable, ~nd the voice register is lower than it would normally be. Informants told me that one could change the voice I any way one Liked I but this was the most common way to do so. They also told me that old men and women are the best abangqokoli because their voices are I deni I anyway.
Uku - ngqokola is done by any singer who wishes to do so. I never heard more than two people - ngqokola at the same
time, and when I askeJ why this was so, I was told that too many people I roaring I would I hide' the song, and that uku -ngqokola was a way to I make taste of a song I and not to spoil it. Long practice is necessary before one becomes
proficient at this voicR changing technique; the difficulty lies in
sustaining it for some length of time. A II too often the
singer becomes hoarse or temporarily loses his voice. For these reasons, but more for the musical one (mentioned earlier) - that it is supposed to enhance a song, ngqokola is done
episodically in the course of a song.
[...]
[page] 129
[...]
Vocal Sounds
These are non - musical sounds that qualify as music when they are made in musical contexts.
(i) uku - tshotsha
[page] 130
This may best be described as the series of growls, roars
and snarls made to a regular metre by adolescent boys at their party - umtshotsho - as they dance to the singing and
clapping done by their girlfriends. The boys - tshotsha as they
perform
the shaking movement - uku - tyityimba. Uku - tshotsha is
the , singing' of adolescent boys and therefore is considered to be music. The' dressed' equivalent of these boys attend umbhayizelo dances for which they wear flared patched
trousers and bright scarves. They perform the same vocal sounds which
[page] 131
they call uku - bhayezela. (Example No.7 on Tape la ).
(ii) uku - bhod1a (., to bring wind up from the stom2ch ' ) are the belching sounds made by young unmarripd men when dancine at their parties ( iintlomb~ ), at which their girl friends provide the singing and clappilg, and occasionally participate in the dancing. (Example No.8 on Tape 1a ).
(iii) uku - godla sounds are similar to those of uku -
tshotsha; they sound as if one is trying to clear ones throat, or
collect inG saliva to expectorate, whereas - tshotsha may be
described as pharyngeal roaring. Uku - godla is done by anyone and in
any musical context, although men do so far more than women.
On one occasion a woman participating in the performance of umngqungqo began to godla ' for fun ' and the other women laughed and said she was' trying to be a man '
The Bhaca, Xesibe and Mpondo have a term denoting the same sort( s) of sound, uku - gwinqa. 1\11 these sounds qualify as music when made during the course of a musical performance.
They are always made in time with the prevailing metre, and always by the performer when he/she is dancing a special dance step. These sounds are furthermore generally made in cross - rhythms to the dance steps; they so to speak punctuate the dancer's movements and draw attention to them. Thus these patterns of potentially musical sounds not only extend the dimensions of Xhosa rhythmic heterop~ony, they also give it colour. (Example No.9 on Tape la ).
I tried to find out whether some of these vocal sounds are used for any special reason, but I was not very successful.
Informants stated that they were merely another way of ' playing' ( uku - dlala ), a term which is often used to describe music –
[page] 132
making generally. A few diviners said that ' singing' ( - dlala ) was greatly loved by the ancertral shades, and that they liked especially the method of ' playing and
changing the voice '. It may be that some of these vocal sounds are evidence of hyperventilation, intended to induce trance, but I am as yet unable to corne to any conclusions about this.
Uku - kikizela are ululations which are produced by executing a rapid tremolo with the tongue. They do not qualify as m'~sic, and are made by women only, in those songs which are sung on occasions of great rejoicing, e.g. the , corning out ' ( umphumo ) of circumcised boys, weddings ( umtshato pl. imitshato ), the installations ( umbeko pl. imibeko ) of chiefs and headmen, and the commencement and conclusion of girls' initiation.
Uku - memelela: to hum or ' sing with the lips closed '. This term refers specifically to the humming done by a person when milking a cow. The humming is believed to soothe the animal and induce a good flow of milk. The term is also used to describe the singing -' 'mmmmmmmmm' - with closed lips which (i) accompanies normal singing, or (ii) alternates with it, in a song. Humming is a characteristic feature of the March ing songs of boys and young men en route to their dance parties, and the War songs of boys on their way to a stick fight ( esitikeni, loc., ' place of sticks' ). In these songs the humming is both rhythmic and emphatic
[...]
Once the pattern of the song has been established, it is repeatei ad infi~itum, the chorus always beinE guided by the song leader, and all singers being controlled by the
handclaps. Th(:; tempo remai:1.s constant, although the singing
invariab ly rises in pitch. The tied handclap beats in Figures 6 and 10 indjcate that there are no audible claps oa these beats; the singers merely acknowledge them with a slight jerk of their claspei hands. When singers clap, they either bring the
hands together as in praying, the palms and fingers lying against oae another or ( and this is more common ) the foar fingers of one hand are brought into contact with the palm of the
other hand, so that one hand is at a right angle to the' other.
The accented c lap beats in' FiguJ'!-; 12 indicate that they are
louder than the clap beats which alternate with them. This clap pattern is varied duri~g the course of the song, changing
from a) to (b)
[…]
in which each clap is louder than the one before it ( this is not given in,Figure ll).
Accent - variation in the clap -patterns of songs is a common feature of much Xhosa music.
[…]
[page] 137
The Cape Nguni distinguish between high pitch and low pitch, and use the adjectives - khulu ( t big, great' ) and - ncinci ( t small' ) to describe the voice registers of men and women. Thus a man is said to have a ' big , voice ilizwi elikhulu ( meaning low), while a woman usually has a small' voice - ilizwi elincinci ( meaning high). When a woman has an exceptionally deep voice, she is said to t have
a beard' ( umfazi unendevu). This phrase is commonly used to describe a woman who has had no children, the reason being
that t she could not because she was almost made a man '.
Old age and the infirmities which often accompany it can change the pitch of the voice considerably. Should an old person have a very deep voice ( and many of them do have this ), or practically no voice at all, owing to persistent bronchial trouble, it is said of him/her that his/her voice t is very low/very smal.l because it has been hurt through old age t( ilizwi lakhe limele ngokwendala ukuba likhulu elincikane ).
[page] 138
Songs are classified as being either (t) iingoma
iingoma ezilibalayo ( , delayed songs'). Nearly all the divination songs, and the dance songs of children and young men and women fall into category (1), and the dance songs of married men and women fall into category (2). One Qwathi man
explained this tempo distinction as follows:
'You see, it is a question of energy. The younger ones are more energetic and quick; the abafana ( young men ) are the go - between. The amadoda ( married men) have settled down to manhood.
They dance in a slow, dignified way'.
The organization of dancing groups
A social gathering is always an occasion for music.
Depending on the nature and purpose of the gathering, the music is performed by (1) members of a particular social group who are traditionally responsible for the music, and (2) anybody
attending the gathering and who wishes to participate in the musical activities.
(1) refers to the social institutions of the Cape Nguni, i.e. gatherings of people that follow a pattern in their activities.
They are repetitive and take place for specific purposes.
These institutions are boys' initiation ( ukwalusa ), not
practised by all the chiefdom clusters; girls' initiation (
ukuthombisa/intonjane); the final initiation of diviners ( umphumo ); the First Fruits ceremony of the Bhaca, known as ingcubhe,
which is ' a scaled - down version of the Zulu incwala ' ( Hammond Tooke (ed.) 1974: 26l ), and which today is celebrated in an ~ttenuated form, and similar ceremonies among the Mpondo and
Thembu which have practically died out
[page] 139
(2) refers to the dance parties of the different age groups, beer drinks and big feasts which are attended by everyone, and the' clubs' or ' sports' of married men and unattached women. The dance parties are: (i) umtshotsho for' Red' boys and girls aged thirteen to twenty years; intlombe of young adults ( Mpondo version is iguburha ), while the dance party of their' dressed' social equivalents ( iindlavini )
Mpondo, Bhaca and Xesibe ) is called umtshotsho.
Everyone is free to attend the big feasts ( umgidi and umjadu ) where meat and beer are available, as well as beer drinks etywaleni) where the older men and women are served with beer. The' clubs' and' sports' of married men and unattached women ( ibhasi and itimiti ) are attended tinly by these people, and full tribal dress is compulsory. There is a small admission fee, and the wives of the men may attend these events as spectators. They do not wear formal dress, and must sit with the other spectators in the courtyard ( inkundla). These are exclusive' clubs' and right of admission is reserved. Other places where older men and women gather are the' bars' where beer is sold, and people always sing and dance after they have had a few rounds of beer.
, School ' people also attend' tea - meetings' ( iitimiti ) where no alcoholic beverages are served. At these functions the music usually consists of ' school songs' and church hymns ( amaculo). The same sort of music is performed at school concerts ( umculo pl. imiculo ), and today traditional songs are often introduced into concert programmes.
The Cape Nguni youth organizations who regularly hold dance parties of the same name - umtshotsho ( pre -
initiation)
[page] 140
and intlombe ( post - initiation ), and iguburha = Mpondo and Xesibe ' Red' youths are controlled by committees who enforce certain standards of social and musical behaviour. At the head of each committee is the leader of the organization, who is known as umanty~,umajestili ( , magistrate' ) or umphathi ( , manager' or controller' ) in the umtshotsho and umbhayizelo groups, and as umphathi wengoma ( , song manager " ' song controller' ) in the intlombe,'~burha and umtshotsho ( iindlavini ) groups.
The leader is always male and a senior member of the group. In the umtshotsho group he may be nineteen or twenty years of age. The initiation of boys is often delayed ( mainly for financial reasons) and a boy may be in his early twenties before he is initiated. By then he will have done a few stints on the mines or in the cane - fields in the Republic of South Africa, and will therefore have accumulated quite a bit of mon~y, and be an experienced traveller. He will also be ' an experienced lover, and this together with the money he has, and the confident manner he has acquired, makes him very attractive to girls' ( young Thembu girl, Cacadu district, August 1970 ).
A leader is elected to his position by the other members of the group. Actual leadership is determined by an extended stick - fighting contest between all the boys who aspire to be the leader of the group ( cf. Mayer and Mayer 1970: 159 l89). Quite often a boy who is the son or relative of an important person, e.g. a chief or headman, or councillor, is automatically elected leader, but he still has to take part in a stick - fighting contest, which he may win' on points.
While doing fieldwork in Cacadu district in 1970, I found
out
[page] 141
that many of these boys preferred not to stand as possible leaders of umtshotsho groups because these had such a bad reputation in the district. One boy who discussed the matter with me, told me that some of the groups were so wild and uncontrolled that they were I becoming almost as fierce as the Mpondo iindlavini:
The committee controlling the I Red I young adultorganizations are similarly constructed. Tile senior members ( abafana, i.e. initiated young men) who will marry in a few years time and thus leave the group, are knOl'VD among the Thembu and Mfengu as idu1isi pl. iidulisi ( lit. I young men who take part in faction fights I, from iduli ( n. ) meaning I a fight, skirmish I). The younger members who are newly - initiated youths, are known by their formal name - ikrhwala pl. amakrhwala ( from - krhwala ( v.i. ) meaning I to begin to ripen I ).
The Mpondo and Xesibe boys do not go through an initiation school, but as young men they attend iguburha, which resembles the intlombe of the Xhosa, Thembu and Mfengu. They are known as abafana banombola ( I raw young men who paint with clay I ).
The iindlavini gangs of the Bhaca, Mpondo and Xesibe also
[page] 141
have committees headed by a I song manager I ( umphathi
wengoma ) who is supported by a I lieutenant I or I driver I ( I
udrayiva " cf. Hammond - Tooke 1962: 79 - 80 ), or ' policeman' (
iphoyisa = Xesibe and Mpondo). The members of these gangs address their leaders as ~ chief ' ( inkosi pl. {inkosi ) when they speak
to him.
Every song manager is an accomplished singer and dancer; , he has to be, because he would look very silly if he sang
and danced badly' Although he is essentially the manager of the
[page] 142
group rather t i lan of the music of th( group, he and his committee are directly concerned with its musical
activities. They are responsible for arranging the dance parties, and rehearsals if there is a dance competition in the offing, and for making sure that all the members attend these.
Anyone who fails to do so is ' brought to court' before the manager, is ' tried' and subsequently fined. This is considered to be both a disgrace and an unnecessary expense, although the , fine ' ( usually some item of bead - work, among the ' Red' youth, or money, among the iindlavini ), is always put towards the organization's' funds' Among the iindlavini, failure to attend any meeting or dance party is often seen to be an act of disloyalty to the group, and the culprit is sometimes' banned' temporarily or even permanently from the group. If the latter, , he might just as well move to another district as he will never live it down' ( Bhaca guide, 1971 ).
The song manager is easily identified from the other young men ( or boys) by his exceptionally ornate dress. Although all the men wear every article of adornment they may have, the song manager is invariably bedecked with bead - work, all made by his many' sweethearts' and female admirers.
Because girls and young women provide most of the
singing and clapping in musical performances, the song leaders are nearly always females. A girl is chosen largely for her
ability to sing and clap well and to lead the chorus generally. She
is supported by a dance leader, also a girl, whose duty it is
to , show ' the girls the various stylized movements and
postures which they do from time to time during a dance performance.
[page] 143
The men are the chief dancers ( the Bhaca iindlavini
excluded ), who do almost all the dancing, durine which they make vocal
- percussive sounds.
The song manager and the so~g leader always discuss the music which is to be performed at the various dance sessions. Both choose songs from a repertoire of music, and when the programme has been fixed, the song leader will rehearse the girls on their own at a specified time and place. (This is not typical of the Bhaca iindlavini, who always practise together ( men and girls) as a group, there being no sex segregation ).
When the girls have been sufficiently rehearsed, the song leader will notify the song manager that the I girls are singing well I and he will then arrange general rehearsals for the whole group.
Thr:re is therefore a close musical association between the sone manager and the song leader. There is also, as I found out, a sexual relationship between them. I spoke to members of twenty - one youth groups, and in every case the song leader was, at the time the ' Number One sweetheart ' of the song manager. Among the ' Red I people and the non Christians, the term ' sweetheart I means that there is a metsha liaison between two people, :.e. they are' going steady' and probably practise uku - metsha ( intra - crural intercourse ).
This does not mean that the male partner gives his attentions to one girl only; other girls in the group may be his partners from time to time, but his' sweetheart' will be the acknowledged leader of the girls.
Dance parties may be formal ( festive dress is compulsory ) or informal ( every - day clothes may be worn ), but
neatness of dress is imperative, and anyone who dresses untidily or
[page] 144
does not comply with the standards of dress ( e.g. girls must wear head - scarves, and are allowed to have only one type of whistlA which is used to indicate changes in dance steps at the sonr leader's request; men must wear blankets around their waists and must retain these when da~cing ), is arrested ' by a committee member and ' brought to court ' Si~ilarly, ~nyone contravening the' laws' of the group, ( e.g. leaving the dance hut without permission, smol:ing, dancing and singing badly, misbehaving and ' showing off ' ) is also arrested. The committee are extremely diligent in maintaining a high standard of musical performance, and in the course of a dance they will occupy different places in the dancing group so that they , can wa~ch over everyone
'.
Amo~g the ' Red' people, when a person is ' brought to court ' he is told to stand be~ore a large flat rectangular stone which is always placed in the centre of the dance hut.
This stone is the song manager's' chair' or ' throne' It also serves as a dancing platform for the song manager and the other committee members, who take turns in dancing and posturing on its flat surface. The song manager mayor may not take part in all the dances, but he usually terminates the music, either with a shout and a wave of the hand, or ( more usual ) with a series of blasts on a whistle.
I attended a dance competition between the intlombe groups of the llala and Qwathi, who belong to the Thembu c~iefdom cluster. The Rala song manager controlled his team rigidly, both before and during and after the competition. No - one was permitted to smoke or'drink: beer before the
event,
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as it might be detrimental to their performance. They did not have a lone warming - up session for the same reason. ( The Qwa thi did just the opposite ). I was not allowed to take any photographs until after the competition, nor was I permitted to do anything which might distract the group, and take thei~ minds off the serious matter in hand the competition.
During the competition, the song manager stood in the centre of the hut on the flat stone, while the other men formed a semicircle before him. The men danced round the song manager, who' conducted' them from his central position. He performed - tyityimba and made vocal sounds, from time to time shouting encouraging remarks to his team, who also made similar vocal sounds, exclamations, and performed - bhodla, - godla, and - ngqokola as they danced.
Three songs were sung in all; during the second and third songs, men took turns in occupying the central position of the song manager, and dancing in an exhibitionistic way
exaggerated movements, etc. The song manager joined the
body of dancers.
[…]
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…The so~g is begun by the song leaier, whose entry is followed one crotchet beat later b~T clapping, introdllced by the chorus leader and
sulJsequent ly taken up by the SO'lg leaier on the 5th crotchet. The rest
of the chorus take up the claps in the full execution of the strophe that follows ( II in score ), and in which the
chorus sings for the first time. The chorus response reproduces the song leaier's part exqctly, as it does in the next, and successive repetitions of the strophe, when textual and very slight variations are introduced. This is the general
pattern
in this particul~r song, although there are ( fur~her on ) a number of strophe repetitions in which the chorus part
remains fixed while the song leader's part continually varies.
Strophe III in the score ( p. l46 ) is repeated several
times… and during these
repetitions the patterns of vocal sounds and ' noises ' are introduced by the male dancers. These patterns begin success ively in this transcription, as they do in my recording, the reason being that I roved with my microphone while
recording.
In actual fact the different patterns were going Simultaneously for several repetitions of the strophe. This performance was a very extended one, lasting approximately 26 minutes, and during this time the male dancers changed th~ir patterns, or ceased to sing for a few strophe repetitions.
[...]
The fact that there are at least two leaders in a song - and - dance group, one for the singing ( umhlabeli ) and one for the dancing ( umkhokeli emxhentsweni ), does
not mean that one is a better singer than the other, who excels in dancing. Both can sing and dance well, but neither can fulfil both functions. The dance leader's duty is to control and guide the dancers, leaving the song leader free to lead and guide the chorus. The dance leader would find it difficult to lead the singing well, because
she
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would lack sufficie~lt breath to sing because of exertions incurred through dancinr. She choJs~s th~ steps and indicates thRm - w\en and how they ar? to be executed.
\'hf':n the n.unber of performr::rs is exceptio:'la 1 ly large there are usually two of each. On one occasio~ ( th? installaiio:'l of a pop~lar headman ), as many as 600
wom'con performed their ~].gqungqo dance, and there vJer:-' three SO:'lg leaders, each of whom had an assistant The Tshawe people who attend their exclusive' clubs' are controlled by a committee co~sisting of the leader or ( chief' ( inkosi ) and his' councillors' ( amaphakathi ). One of these acts as a ' secretary , ( unobhala ) whose duty it is to notify members abo~t forthcoming' club' events.
The mllsic performed at these functions is organized a long lines similar to those of the' Red' youth gro~ps. The womeD provide the singing and clapping, and the men do most of the d'l,ncing, a 1 thOllgh there is plenty of scope for t
solo t performances. The music performed at ordinary beer drinks and work parties is spontaneous and the men and women
maintain their roles as chief dancers ( men ), and singers and
clappers ( women ), although both sexes give ¥ solo' performances
which are often very vigorous and exhibitionistic.
The song leader starts off the song, and leads off the chorus; she also introduces improvisations which guide the chorus in their responses. S~ould a song leader wish to perform ' so lo ' ( and everyon- likes to do so during the course of a dance song ), her assistant ( sub - leader) will take over. Thp song leader's solo usually consists of vocal
[page] 151
improvisations ( sO:.J.n:is or vocables) accompanying vigoro:.J.s d~ncing - shaking and co~tortions, stnmpi~g, simll~ted horse - riding ( altho~eh Cape ~guni women do ~ot ride horses ), anything she likes to do - w~ile the others co~tinue with the prescribed singing and dance - movements, a hJays guided by the sub - leader, and dance leader and assistant. Again, should the song lea,der wish to improvise vocally and introduce n2W variations of the so~g - me lody, J!8r assistant wi II see that these improvisations are not swa,mped by any vocal improvisations from other excited singers. I have seen a woman place her hand across the mouth of another woman Who was all but swamping the song leader). Depending on the number of
performers, ~8ually two but never more than three persons do a ' solo' stint at anyone time. When the song leader improvises, everyone holds back. The assistants exhort the singers to sing and dance well, and they admonish those who do not. Laders and their assistants are always aware of what the other is doing. The dance leader often uses a. whistle to indicate a change in steps, or in a certain dance formation.
The performance of the indl~mu dance by Bhaca iindLavini often involves so many people that, when done indoors as it usually is ( unless it is performed at the Chief's Great Place, when it is performed out - of - doors ), a number of people ( usually eight to twelvd ) will get up and dance indlamu in a single line, while the rest of the group will sit ( or squat down) and sing and clap. Very often the roles of song leader and sub - leader (assistant) are divided
[page] 152
between the man who is participating in the smaller group as a sons leader, and the girl w~o is leading the chorus who are sitting and singing. Members of the entire groap will take turns in dancing in smaller' sub - groups' and the Gam0 musical situation is observed. This is typical of Bhaca indlamu dances when they take place indoors it is a convenient arrangement because it permits the whole group to dance together in a rather small ~rea. The Mpondo iindlavini are' all - male gangs' who
nevertheless attend their dance p3rties with their girl friends. Their m'.lsic repertoire includes many songs which are sung exclusively by the men. They are known as ' break and are sung between performances of ' big , songs like
indlamu and umgajo. In these songs the role of song leader is
assumed by a man, while the rest of the group sing and take turns in performing' solo' dances.
A successful performance requires a great feeling for community, and the teamwork in all dancing groups is
sometimes quite astonishing, particularly in a dance like umngqungqo in which almost always a large number of women take part ( there are always plenty of married women about ), and_in w~ich there is no steadily sounding beat. Assistants are of great importance to their leaders, and very often a song leader chooses her assistant. Assistants are a convenient source of choice phrases and dance steps that others in
their immediate vicinity as well as their leaders, can draw on. Their phrases and steps often help their leaders along when,
for a moment, they cannot think of something new to sing or
[page] 153
dance, in which case they might falter and bring the whole group down with them. Without this smooth teamwork b~twQen leaders and assistants, and between them and the chorus, the whole performance would collapse.
When a change of any sort in the pattern is to occur, as in (i) clapping, (ii) the dance - steps and the movements and formatio~ of the dancers, the leaders indicate these in the following ways:
(i) The song leader starts to sing more and more loudly shortly before the change is due, so that she draws the attention of everyone to her. At the sam8 time she stretches her arms forward, and upward into the air, still clapping.
Immediately before the change is made, she shouts' Jika! ' ( meaning' turn! change! ' ), and, if everyone has been clapping' J J J, then they wi 1 1 c lap in double - quick
time: n n n; the same occurs when doub le c laps become augmented, as from n n n to J J J (ii) The dance leader will blow her ( or his) whistle some beats before the change is made; then she will shout t Jika! t or blow in double time, and indicate the steps to be executed. If the dancers have been dancing in a circle anti - clockwise, the dance leader will blow her whistle as before, then lift her arms and indicate a turning movement, shout t Jika! " at which all the dancers will turn and proceed dancing clockwise. The individual leaders have their own methods of controlling and directing their group, but jika and/or the whistle tones are common change signals, and are used by all Cape Nguni people."
-snip-
Pancocojams Editor's Note: This is the end of that section of this dissertation.
****
This concludes Part II of this pancocojams series.
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The excerpt for Deirdre Doris Hansen's 1981 University of Wits dissertation that is given for page 36 in this pancocojams post is the only descriptions that I've found as of this date about how how amaXhosa hold their arms and hands while hand clapping.
I'm very grateful to have "happened upon" this pdf and hope that I find other information about this subject and that some readers will share what they know about this subject.
It's interesting that Deirdre Doris Hansen didn't mention the custom of rubbing the palm of one hand against the other palm in a circular motion and doing that several times before making a loud clap on time. I've mostly seen this custom in YouTube videos of (contemporary) gwijo performances, but it may be during other South African singing .
I'd LOVE to learn more about that custom such as when it first occurred and why it was/is done, and what music is it done with.
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Visitor comments are welcome.