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Showing posts with label Nigerian history and culture. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Nigerian history and culture. Show all posts

Sunday, February 7, 2021

Information about the Hausa Language & An Excerpt From A 1992 pdf entitled "Arabic Loan Words In Hausa"

Edited by Azizi Powell

This pancocojams post presents information from two online articles about the Hausa language.

This post also showcases an excerpt of a 1992 pdf entitled "Arabic Loan Words In Hausa" by Lawan Danladi Yalwa. This pdf is a chapter in the University of California, Los Angeles (UCLA)'s Journal of African Studies (Ufahamu). 

The content of this post is presented for historical, linguistic, educational and other cultural purposes.*   All copyrights remain with their owners,

Thanks to all those who are quoted in this post. Special thanks to Lawan Danladi Yalwa for sharing this information with the world.

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INFORMATION ABOUT THE HAUSA LANGUAGE
Excerpt #1
From https://www.britannica.com/topic/Hausa-language
written by H. Ekkehard Wolff, 
University Professor Emeritus, chairman of African Studies, Institute of African Studies, University of Leipzig, Leipzig, Germany…

“Hausa language, the most important indigenous lingua franca in West and Central Africa, spoken as a first or second language by about 40–50 million people. It belongs to the Western branch of the Chadic language superfamily within the Afro-Asiatic language phylum.

The home territories of the Hausa people lie on both sides of the border between Niger, where about one-half of the population speaks Hausa as a first language, and Nigeria, where about one-fifth of the population speaks it as a first language. The Hausa are predominantly Muslim. Their tradition of long-distance commerce and pilgrimages to the Holy Cities of Islam has carried their language to almost all major cities in West, North, Central, and Northeast Africa.”...

**
Excerpt #2
From https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hausa_people
"The Hausa (endonym: Hausawa; also Ausa, Francophonic spelling Haoussa) are a Chadic ethnic group based primarily in the Sahel and sparse savanna areas of southern Niger and northern Nigeria. With a total population of some 30 million (2019 estimate), they qualify as the single most numerous African ethnic group.

[...]

Language

The Hausa language, a member of Afroasiatic family of languages, has more first-language speakers than any other African language. It has an estimated 67 million first-language speakers, and close to 50 million second-language speakers.[61] The main Hausa-speaking area is northern Nigeria and Niger. Hausa is also widely spoken in northern Ghana, Cameroon, Chad, Sudanese Hausa in Sudan and the Ivory Coast as well as among Fulani, Tuareg, Kanuri, Gur, Shuwa Arab, and other Afro-Asiatic speaking groups. There are also large Hausa communities in every major African city in neighbourhoods called zangos or zongos, meaning "caravan camp" in Hausa (denoting the trading post origins of these communities). Most Hausa speakers, regardless of ethnic affiliation, are Muslims; Hausa often serves as a lingua franca among Muslims in non-Hausa areas.

[…]

Hausa is considered one of the world's major languages, and it has widespread use in a number of countries of Africa. Hausa's rich poetry, prose, and musical literature, is increasingly available in print and in audio and video recordings. The study of Hausa provides an informative entry into the culture of Islamic Africa. Throughout Africa, there is a strong connection between Hausa and Islam.

The influence of the Hausa language on the languages of many non-Hausa Muslim peoples in Africa is readily apparent. Likewise, many Hausa cultural practices, including such overt features as dress and food, are shared by other Muslim communities. Because of the dominant position which the Hausa language and culture have long held, the study of Hausa provides crucial background for other areas such as African history, politics (particularly in Nigeria and Niger), gender studies, commerce, and the arts."...

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JOURNAL EXCERPT: "ARABIC LOAN WORDS IN HAUSA"
from https://escholarship.org/uc/item/3jm5n6pw

Ufahamu: A Journal of African Studies

title: Arabic Loan Words in Hausa

ISSN

0041-5715

Author

Yalwa, Lawan Danladi

Publication Date

1992

[page 101]

"Introduction

[…]

The history of Hausa shows that the language has been exposed to a lot of external influences which have affected and still affect both the language and the people. Such external influences include Azben, the earliest language to affect Hausa, and Arabic (see Ibrahim 1978 and Liman 1978). It has now reached a stage where most native speakers of
Hausa can hardly differentiate between the native vocabulary of their language and that borrowed from other languages. Arabic influence now has a permanent effect on Hausa in all areas of life, as evidenced in the Hausa language itself as spoken orally and as used in written literature. It is, however, very difficult to explain the moment of the flrst contact between the two languages, since we lack written materials that would show us the trend of such contact. The speakers of Hausa can only guess or speculate by making reference to historical documentation transmitted orally from one generation to another before the massive use of the AJAMI (Hau..sa written in Arabic script) in the post-jihad period of Sheik Usman Ian Fodio (see Bivar er al. 1962; Hiskett 1965, 1969, 1975; Liman 1978; and Ibrahim 1982).

[page 102 UFAHAMU]

Lexical borrowing:

A lot has been written on lexical borrowing from Arabic into Hausa. However, not much has been said about the causes of this borrowing. Apan from Hiskett (1965; 1975) and Zarruk ( 197R), most other works give only partial analyses of this issue. One such imponant work is that of Greenberg (1947). In this paper he claims that the influence of Arabic on Hausa was not directly from classical Arabic, but rather through colloquial Arabic spoken in Nonh Africa, Egypt and some pans of Sudan. He goes on to say that the loans are divided into two phonologically distinct groups. The first group, which he identifies as earlier loans, came through colloquial Arabic. These words consist of terms of everyday life, trade, technology, and elementary aspects of the Islamic religion which mark the period when the Hausa community staned to embrace Islam. As for group two, he claims that they came through classical Arabic and include words denoting personal names of Qur'anic origin and technical terms of pseudo-sciences mos!ly used by Hausa Islamic teachers. His claim is mainly based on the phonological evidence observed from the borrowed words by referring to the original
Arabic words. He claims that the definite article a/- was borrowed from North African dialects as this is a common feature in those dialects. Likewise the changing of 0 > t, El > d, g > d, ~ > s, aw > o: or u:, a > e; palatalization of alveolar consonants before front vowels; and the
dropping of the anicle a/- ("the") were borrowed from Nonh African dialects. These are all features observed in Egyptian, North African and Sudanic dialects. These phonological changes came to Hausa through colloquial dialects and, therefore, must be of words in group I (see ibid. 1947). As for the second group, the words are constantly borrowed with the ankle a/-, denoting the spread of Islam at a later period. He also includes words on horsemanship in this group. Hiskett ( 1965) on the other hand gives a slightly different view concerning determining the history of adopting Arabic words into Hausa and the relative history of their coming, whether from classical or colloquial varieties. He mentions that we should not classify Arabic loans into Hausa only by phonological processes observed, but rather we should also consider the history of the language as well. The question one has to ask is: can one-sided generalizations with respect to group I loanwords be made? That is, can we rely on phonological processes alone as observed in the loans without referring to the history of the people as done by Greenberg? I would certainly say no. We have to refer to the history of the people and their literary background as well. 

Furthermore, I would not totally accept the view that all the words in group I (i.e. earlier loans) came through colloquial Arabic. There were some that really came through classical Ardbic, notably from the Qur'an 

[YALWA page103]
and Hadith (i.e. Prophet Muhammad's [SAW] Traditions as observed by his companions).

At the historical level, observing some Arabic sources from the Kano Chronicle (see footnote 2) and the writings of the Arab geographers, we see that Islam was in existence in Hausaland earlier than what Greenberg assens (cf. Greenberg 1946; 1947). It existed even before the massive arrival of Arabs into Hausaland (Hiskett 1965 and the introduction of his 197 5 book). Arabs started to come to Hausaland in the 12th century A.D. during the reign of King Nagaji
cfan OariRu (1194-1247 A.D.) where they found a number of people practicing the Islam. Probably, as the history shows, the Mandingoes (or Wangarawa) were the people who first brought the religion to the Hausa people through trade and missionary activities. A great number of them were in Kano during the reign of Yaji Oantsamiya (1349-1385 A.D.), and were then followed by Fulanis of pre-jihad period (Hiskett 1965, Zarruk 1978, and Liman 1978). The Fulanis found the Hausa with the Qur'an and Hadith. This indicates that Islam was there earlier than many historians claim. It was after the Fulanis of the pre-Jihad period that the Arabs started to come to Hausaland in great numbers.

This was during the reign of Muhammad Rumfa (1463-1499 A.D.). Muhammad b. Abdulkarim Al-Maghili (d. 1504; see Gwarzo 1972) is said to have written a treatise on Islamic law for Muhammad Rumfa. Another Arab called Sheik Tunis was also among the advisers of Muhammadu Kisoki (1509-1565 A.D.). A Maghribite, Sheik Abubakar was also an advisor to Muhammadu Zaki (1582-1618 A.D.).2 All of this information indicates that the coming of Islam really pre-dated the coming of the Arabs into Hausaland by at least 100 years.

Therefore, we can say that the small number of the Muslim Hausa community (mostly the Malams or 'Muslim scholars') had the Qur'an before the massive coming of the Arabs. Another fact is also the order given by Yaji ( 1349-1385 A. D.) for the observance of the five daily prayers in Kano. This could not have been possible without a knowledge of the Qur'an and Hadith (see also Liman 1978 for such a view). Can we then establish the fact that not all words of group 1 came from colloquial Arabic? The answer is yes. if we only accept the fact
that the Muslim Hausa community had these two great books before the massive coming of the Arabs into Hausaland. With this, we can straight away dismiss the argument that they borrowed all the Arabic loans from colloquial dialect(s), i.e. a kind of classical Arabic corrupted by the Nonh Africans and Sudanic Arabs (cf. Goener et al. 1966; Muhammad 1968).3 I therefore hold the view that all words in the Qur'an denoting the basic teachings of Islam were transmitted to the Hausa in their classical forms. These include terms of trade, cavalry, and
horsemanship which are found in the Qur'an. They were borrowed into 

[page 104 UFAHAMU]

Hausa in their Qur'anic and not in colloquial Arabic forms. If their forms changed, it was due to either direct or indirect innovation by the Hausa themselves in trying to pronounce the words by imitation of the existing patterns either consciously or unconsciously. This might have influenced the adaptation by which the Hausa speakers replaced Arabic sounds by Hausa phonemes that are phonetically closer to the borrowed ones (cf. Salim 1977 for similar adaptation processes with English loanwords and Sani 1986). In this process of earlier borrowings the innovation cannot be a one man's work but rather many people were involved. It is possible that what one person heard cannot be the same as what others might have heard due to physiological differences found among the hearers. This might have caused the differences found in the loans.

Although there are some loan words in group I which got into Hausa through colloquial Arabic, generalizations made by Greenberg on group I loans do not totally hold true.

Sources of Arabic Loans

There are five basic sources from which Hausa borrowed Arabic words:

Islam and Trade

It is to this source that most of the older words can be traced back, since the earlier people who had contact with the Hausa were both missionaries and traders (i.e. Wangarawa Islamic Missionaries; cf. footnote 2). Therefore all words denoting the fundamentals of Islam (including the concept of Belief) and some basic words on trade found in the Qur'an and Hadith were the first to be borrowed. These were immediately followed by words denoting items used for horse-riding and war because of the condition of Hausaland (insecurity for the kings) at that time. The Hausa borrowed these terms from the foreigners who imroduced new techniques of warfare to them. 

Literature and Grammar

The second source is literature and grammar of (a) the pre-Jihad period as in the works of Sufis like Wali oan Masani and Wali oan Marina (see Ibrahim 1982; Sa'id 1977) and, (b) the Jihad period ~here most Arabic words were borrowed and used in poetry written in Ajami
writing system (cf. Hiskett 1975; Zarruk 1978). Most of the words borrowed were those denoting praise to Allah (SWT) and Prophet Muhammad (SAW), Islamic theology, warnings/admonitions to 

[page YALWA 105]

Muslims about what they do and what the consequences for their activities will be , and words on Islamic law (cf. Bivar et al. 1962 and Zarruk 1978). Some of the borrowed words include the following:

(1) adabii literature darasii lesson

akasii opposite !haalli condition

baitli stanza/ jam'li plural

line of verse

balaagb eloquence 1cal.m.aa word

diiwaanli register lamiiru pronoun

fa.saahaa skill Aiaamaa indication/sign

ilia defect baabli chapter/category

~ sentence balagaa puberty

poem faa'Uii doer of action

aja.Iii fate/deadline hlkaayaa story

ba'aa joke/mockery jinsli gender

d'abii'aa behavior/ kaamll complete


custom

Islamic School System

The third source is the establishment of Qur'anic Schools (i.e. slate-schools) established all over Hausaland. In these schools, malams (teachers) introduced many innovations including the teaching of Arabic consonants. Some of these innovations included the teaching of the
Arabic consonants some of which were given Hausa names as diu = Arabic /a/if/; amlxlaldn woofii = Arabic l'aynl; haakurii (borrowed from Kanuri) = the Arabic rounded /h/, etc. Some of the words borrowed through Islamic schools include:

(2)

Ar: Allah >H: AllAh "God", Ar: Muslim >H: Musulmii "Muslim", Ar: ai-Murnin >H: Muumlnii "Believer," Ar: al-ima:m >H: llimaamli/Hman "Muslim leader," Ar: al- na:'ib >H: naa'lbii "deputy leader," Ar: al-Nabiy >H: Annabli "Prophet," Ar: al- Hadith >H: Hadiisli "Prophetic tradition," Ar: Hajj >H: Hajji "Pilgrimage (to Mecca)," Ar: hala:l > H: halil "lawful", Ar: hara:m >H: haram "unlawful", Ar: Sala:t >H: Sallaa "prayer," ~r: siya:m >H: azumii "Fasting," Ar: al-Qur'an > H:
Alkur'aanli "Quran," Ar: al-zaka:t >H: zakkaa "Alms or religious tithe paid in the form of farm produce, livestock, jewelery, or money." etc.


[page 106 UFAHAMU]

Administration, Law, and Politics

Hausa terms used in administration, law, and politics also constitute a great number of Arabic words borrowed especially during the post-Jihad period. That was the time when the Fulani established an Islamic system of government and reforms over the Hausaland under the leadership of Sheik Usman ibn Fodio. This new system was channeled through sermons and writings using the Ajarni in Hausa, Fulani or Arabic. This is directly connected to the sources of Arabic loan words discussed in the next section. The following are a few of the loanwords on administration, law, and politics:

(3)

Ar: al-'adab >H: ladabii "punishment," Ar: bai'ah >H: bai'aa/mubaaya'aa "pay homage," Ar: baitu al-ma:l >H: baitulmaall "treasury," Ar: daulah >H: daulaa "kingdom," Ar: diyyah > H: diyyaa "ransom/compensation," Ar: ha:kim > H : haakimii "district head," Ar: huku:mah >H: hukuumaa "government," Ar: jamhu:riyyah: >H: jamhuuriyaa "republic," Ar: khara:j > H: haraajii "tax," Ar: majalis >H: majalisaa "council," Ar: mulk > H: mulldi "administration," etc.

Modem Writings:

Modem writings which include both poetry and prose have been used to correct the traditional behavior of a great number of Hausa Muslims (including most of the Hausa kings) of mixing Islamic practices and other traditional religious practices which were in use before the introduction of Islam to Hausaland. Most of the words borrowed through the methods outlined in this section and the one before were adopted somewhat in a fixed form, in the sense that the loans were used just as they were in the source language without radical changes in their phonology or morphology. It seems to me that this was possible due to the fact that the people were aware of the foreign language, hence a correct version of Arabic was used. At the present time some of the older forms (of the pre-Jihad period) are used side by side with the ones corrected by the learned Hausa speakers. Also some of the older forms are being replaced by other loans from English, while some survive only in religious activities. For instance, the word dubuu (one thousand) is sometimes replaced by the Arabic: a/fin counting
years, while in general counting of things like money, the Hausa Zamhar d'a'rii (million) is totally replaced by mj[iyan (million). We also do not find people using the word goomiyaa + number as in goomiyaa


[YALWA  page107]

biyu (twenty), but rather they use the loanword ashlFin. There are also instances where the loanwords acquired new meartings that differ from their meanings in the original language with a semantic shift (see Rufa'i 1979). For example, Arabic: maqbaJ (accepted) has two meanings in Hausa. The first mearting is as in the source language, while the second one is "master or observer of people involved in their activities." These examples indicate that language change is gradual and unpredictable. The history of Arabic loan words in Hausa shows that such words got into Hausa at different times. However, we do not know what the form of these words was at the time of their borrowing. An examination of the history of Hausa phonology and morphology will help us to understand how the loan words adapted to Hausa linguistic changes and in that way attempt to reconstruct their original form."...

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Visitor comments are welcome.

Saturday, April 18, 2020

Information & Comments About Ikewerre Culture (Nigeria, West Africa)

Edited by Azizi Powell

This is Part II of a pancocojams series on the Ikewerre people of Nigeria, West Africa.

Part II provides information and comments about the Ikewerre history and culture of Nigeria, West Africa.

Click https://pancocojams.blogspot.com/2020/04/homa-menema-ikwerre-nigeria-christian.html for Part I of this pancocojams series. Part I showcases an Ikewerre Christian praise song with an English translation of the song's lyrics from that video's captions.

I'm most interested in seeing the Ikewerre traditional clothing, hearing their music, and noting the way that the women and men dance.

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The content of this post is presented for cultural and educational purposes.

All copyrights remain with their owners.

Thanks all those who are quoted in this post.

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INFORMATION & COMMENTS ABOUT IKEWERRE CULTURE (NIGERIA, WEST AFRICA)
Excerpt #1
From https://www.nairaland.com/1878784/brief-history-ikwerre-port-harcourt
A BRIEF HISTORY OF IKWERRE
TONY ENYIA, PhD, MNIM; CHAIRMAN, BOARD OF TRUSTEES
IWHNURỌHNA CHRISTIAN ASSOCIATION
Saturday, 5 February 2011
..."Nigerian colonial history records that the name "Ikwerre" was given by the colonial administration when they wanted to acquire the Rebisi waterfront to build the wharf. Using an Ibo interpreter to talk to the illiterate Rebisi (Port Harcourt) chiefs, they asked them: Would you permit us to use the waterfront to build the wharf for ships to berth? And they answered: A KWERULEM, meaning - "We have agreed." What the white-man was hearing was "Ikwerre," so he recorded it in the official gazette that the IKWERRE PEOPLE have agreed for the colonial administration to build the wharf. And since it was the official record of government, the name Ikwerre became the name of the Iwhnurohna people in all official documentations till date.

Similar cases of Anglicization of native names in the Niger Delta region by the colonial administration are Benin for Bini, Okrika for Wakrike, Degema for Udekema, Abonnema for Obonoma, Brass for Gbara sni, Bonny for Ibani, Pepple for Perekule, Ahoada for Ehuda, etc

[...]

The Ogbakor Ikwerre Convention, a cultural organization of Ikwerre people, in a paper presented to the Human Rights Violation Commission headed by Rtd. Justice Chukwudifu Oputa on 10 October 2001, said: “Ikwerre ethnic nationality is not and has never been a sub-group of any other tribe in Nigeria including Ndi-Igbo. There is no doubt that the advent of the British and later regionalization put Ndi-Igbo at the helm of affairs in Eastern Nigeria. This brought Ndi-Igbo into Ikwerre land. In course of time, the Igbo took advantage of their position in the then Eastern Regional Government to grab land in Ikwerre and occupy political positions such as the mayor of Port Harcourt. In the process, Ikwerre along with other minority groups were marginalized and driven to the background.”

[...]

This also obviously led to the Rumuomasi Declaration in 1965. " … in their meeting at Rumuomasi in 1965 the Ikwerre had, under the umbrella of a highly promising new body that was to get the Ikwerre together as a people of new and clearer vision, they had declared themselves as a people of the distinct identity of Ikwerre Ethnic Nationality - not Ibo, not Ijo, not anything else but Ikwerre, Iwhnurọhna. This was the historic Rumuomasi Declaration of 1965 (G.O.M. Tasie, 2000). The full implication is that Ikwere people began to assert themselves forcefully as an ethnic nationality of their own and not Ibos or Ijos, and efforts were made to revert to the original Ikwere names for families, villages, communities and landmarks. For instance, there was the change from Umuola to Rumuola, Umuoro to Rumuoro, Umukrushi to Rumuokwurusi, just to name a few."...

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Excerpt #2
From https://ogbakorikwerreworldwide.org/history-of-ikwerre/
"GEOGRAPHICAL LOCATION
Ikwerre people are found in the Niger Delta Region of Nigeria. They are within the rain forest belt. The area notices high annual rainfall. Some parts are blessed with mangrove forest and creeks that crisscross Rivers state. There is also abundant raffia forest. This features, coupled with adequate sunshine have made the soil in Ikwerre adequate for the cultivation of palm produce, cassava, yam, vegetables.etc. distillation of palm wine into gin (kai kai, ogogoro, akamere, manya beknu).

The Riverine Ikwerre villagers engage in fishing in addition to the general occupation of farming, and trading. The Ikwerre land played a promo0nent middleman position in trade (including the slave trade) between the hinterland and the coastal people.

The Ikwerre Ethnic Nation covers a land area of about 21,400 km2, which is about 20% of cultivable land in the old Rivers State. ...

The language spoken by the people is Ikwerre a corruption of Iwherr’oha. As a characteristic of languages, Ikwerre is spoken in many dialects among which are Elele, Akpor, Apara, Obgakiri, Odegu, Emohua, Allu etc. all the dialect are mutually intelligible. Professor Kay Williamson (1989) classifies Ikwerre, Ogba, Ekpeye, Ndoni and Etche as the Igboid languages of the lower Niger.

The Ikwerre land is bonded by other Ethnic groups. As the map below shows, to the Northwest are Ogba and Ekpeye, Northcentral, Egbema and Ndoni , to the North East, Ohaji of Imo State, to the East, Etche, to the South East, Ndoki and Eleme, to the South, Okrika, to the South West, Kalabari and to the West, Abua.

The blessed Geographical location of Ikwerre has endowed it with a strategic position in Rivers State and Nigeria at large. With regards to the city of Port Harcourt, which the people call Igwuocha, a tourist is at once introduced to the economic, Commercial, Industrial, Academic and Communication net centre of the Niger Delta. Of the eight federal and State tertiary institutions in Rivers State, six are situated in Ikwerre land. For the purpose of developing industrial and housing estate, military camps, barracks and shooting ranges, airports, seaports, railway terminals, prisons, and prison farms as well as tertiary and communication institutions, over 300 million hectares of arable Ikwerre land had been taken without adequate compensation by successive federal and state governments. This has given rise to different Ikwerre people selling off their inherited rights to whoever cared. This, in turn, has affected housing development without adequately planned road network. Little wonder why there are incessant flooding and unbearable traffic jams in the capital city of Port Harcourt."...

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Excerpt #3
From http://iwhnurohna.blogspot.com/2012/11/a-brief-history-of-ikwerre.html
BY CHOMSKYWEBIN
"Rivers State consist of many indigenous ethnic groups like: Ikwerre, Ibani, Opobo, Eleme, Okrika, Kalabari, Etche, Ogba, Ogoni, Engenni, Obolo and others. One interesting fact in this region is that each tribe speaks a different language. Rivers State is a multi-cultural region. However, today we will focus on the Ikwerre people of Rivers State.

Who are they?

Ikwerre is one of the largest ethnic nationality in present day Rivers State. It is made up of not less than four major Local Government Areas, and occupies the largest land mass in Rivers state. Location like Port Harcourt which is also called the capital of Rivers State has attracted alot of people and Tourist. Port Harcourt is also called the Garden City, filled with oil industries, businesses and trade.

Like most ethnic groups in Nigeria, the history of Ikwerre could be contested. Various scholars and researchers have linked the origin of the Ikwerre people to Igbos in the South Eastern part of Nigeria.

However, studies have shown that The Ikwerres are a small but distinct tribe. The Ikwerres have distinct linguistic, social and cultural traits and formations that distinguish them from other close neighbouring tribes like the Ijaws and the Ibos. Majority of the Ikwerre settlements have their roots traceable from the old Benin Empire.”

The Ikwerres and its culture is often highlighted as the richest and most industrious nationality in Rivers State.

One great thing about the Ikwerre people is the quality indigenes it has produced. The people are accommodating, friendly and loving. They have been able to accommodate other tribes into their Land. Especially the Igbos, Akwa Ibom, Calabar, and others have taken Port Harcourt as their home.

Another great thing about the Ikwerre people is that they are open minded when it comes to marriage. You can easily see an Ikwerre man married to an Akwa-Ibom woman, Ijaw, Calabar, Ogoni, Yoruba, Igbo, Delta, Hausa.

[...]

IKWERRE/IBGO’S NAMES

I have come to understand these two distinct tribes and region, though refused to admit they are the same–share the same names like Adanne, Ngozi, Ikechukwu, chioma, obinna, chidiebere, Amarachi, Chidi, oluchi, Eberechi, Nkechi, e.t.c and most Ikwerre people understand the Igbo language because of migration of igbo people in Ikwerre land.”...

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Except #4
From http://finto.fi/lexvo/en/page/ikw
"Ikwerre, also spelt as Ikwere, is a language spoken primarily by the Ikwerre people who inhabit Rivers State, Nigeria. According to a 1973 SIL International report, the number of Ikwerre speakers is estimated at 200,000. By taking into consideration the population of the four Ikwerre local governments (Port Harcourt, Emohua, Obia/Akpor and Ikwerre), this figure may extend to a little over a million speakers as per the 2006 National Population Commission census."

**
Excerpt #5
From https://www.facebook.com/pages/category/Local-Business/IKWERRE-MEKA-125892097220/
"IKWERRE MEKA!!!
July 13, 2014 ·
Ihuruoha must as a matter of urgency strive to bring back our declining language as it faces extinction in the nearest future. It shocks me to know that a 10 year old Ihuruoha child living in Port harcourt still finds it difficult to speak his/her language. This sacrilege is commonly found among the children of the elites who see language as local as compared to a Yoruba, Hausa or Igbo family who's house language is their local language. Ihuruoha Parents must as a matter of importance imbibe in their wards the culture and language of Ihuruoha people. Our language is our identity and we should identify and be identified with it. It even worries me more that some Ihuruoha kids speak more pidgin English than our language which is better and more formal. It is with pain and joy in my heart that I write this piece even tho I can do little or nothing about the subject matter. But I owe my fellow Ihuruoha people this information. Ihuruoha language should not die, let us all strive to keep it as a legacy for future generations.... To be continued.

**
REPLY
Iche Charles Omekwoha -"Every sound thinking Ikwerrean should be worried about this issue. The notion that some how, English language is superior to Ikwerre language is just nonsense if not outright foolishness. We must cherish and uphold our language and make sure our children and even those who live and do business in our communities do their best to learn and speak our language."

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This concludes Part II of this pancocojams series.

Thanks for visiting pancocojams.

Visitor comments are welcome.

Sunday, October 8, 2017

Excerpt From A 1992 Dissertation - History & Contemporary Use Of Pidgin English In Ghana & In Nigeria

Edited by Azizi Powell

This is Part I of a two part pancocojams series that presents information and examples of Ghanaian Pidgin English.

This post provides an excerpt from a dissertation about Ghanaian Pidgin English (GPE) that was written in 1992 by Joe K. Y. B. Amoako (University of Florida). A portion of this excerpt also provide information about the history & contemporary use of pidgin English in Nigeria.

Click http://pancocojams.blogspot.com/2017/10/information-about-examples-of-ghanaian.html for Part II of this series. Part II presents another excerpt about Ghanaian Pidgin English from the 1992 dissertation that was written by Joe K. Y. B. Amoako (University of Florida). That excerpt includes examples of some Ghanaian Pidgin English words. Because that dissertation was published in 1992, it's possible that some of these words may no longer be used now (in 2017) or their meanings may have changed.

The content of this post is presented for historical, linguistic, and cultural purposes.

Pancocojams present hyperlinked excerpts from online articles, books, and dissertations as a means of alerting people to these texts. Pancocojams visitors are encouraged to read these entire texts.

Thanks to Joe K. Y. B. Amoako for his research and writing and thanks for sharing this dissertation online.

****
EXCERPT From https://archive.org/stream/ghanaianpidginen00amoa/ghanaianpidginen00amoa_djvu.txt
"GHANAIAN PIDGIN ENGLISH: IN SEARCH OF DIACHRONIC, SYNCHRONIC, AND SOCIOLINGUISTIC EVIDENCE

Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate School of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy

By Joe K. Y. B. Amoako
December 1992

[...]

[page] viii
The study consists of six chapters which deal with the definitions and etymologies of pidgin and Creole, the history of West African Pidgin English, the methodology of the research, history of GPE, a detailed linguistic analysis of GPE, the sociolinguistics of GPE, as well as conclusions on the survey.

Data were collected on GPE over a period of nine months. Out of the 400 copies of questionnaire distributed, 3 04 were retrieved. This period was also used in tape- recording interviews, conversations, and songs, as well as collecting magazines and newspapers. The informants who consisted of both sexes ranged from school children to a secretary of state.

The survey shows that there is a pidgin English in Ghana, and that it has been influenced by the substrate
languages. It is spreading fast, especially among the youths because it is being used not only as a means of communication but also as a means of solidarity."

[...]

[page] 7
Summary [Chapter 1; Definition Of Pidgin]

"In this chapter, we have attempted to deal with the definitions of pidgin and Creole languages. Pidgin evolves when people who do not understand each other's language meet and they want to communicate verbally. This is the social definition of pidgin. The structural definition states that pidgin has a reduced language structure which means that its phonology, morphology, syntax, and semantics are simpler
than those of the language or languages that it may evolve from. By definition pidgin does not have native speakers.

Pidgin becomes creole when it acquires a native speaker. The linguistic structure of a creole is more complex than that of pidgin. Ghanaian Pidgin English (GPE) which is the topic of this work has no opportunity of being creolized in the near future, because the Ghanaian children have access to one or more of the 45 Ghanaian local languages.

[page] 8
Moreover GPE is not a popular language in the homes of its speakers. This means GPE will remain a pidgin for a long time to come."

[...]

[page] 9
CHAPTER 2
HISTORICAL OVERVIEW OF PIDGIN ENGLISH IN WEST AFRICA AND ITS CURRENT STATUS

Introduction
This chapter contains two subsections. The first section deals with the step-by-step history of pidgin
English in West Africa; we will discuss how Portuguese, Dutch, and British have contributed toward pidgin English in West Africa. The second section deals with an enumeration of the principal pidgin English varieties in West Africa, which are Nigeria, Sierra Leone, Liberia, and Cameroon.

A Step-bv-Step History of Pidain English in West Afrina

The exact date of the development of an English-based pidgin in West Africa cannot be determined. It probably began with the first contacts with the British in the sixteenth century (Mafeni 1971:97; Spencer 1971:8). Before the British built their first English fort at Cormantine on the Gold Coast in 1631, the Portuguese, who were followed by the Dutch, had traded with the people of West Africa and had made some impact on the linguistics of this area.

[...]

[page] 21
pidgin English in Nigeria, Sierra Leone, Liberia, Cameroon, and Ghana.

Nigeria

The area that is now coastal Nigeria never had forts built by the Europeans for the slave trade. Although the Portuguese began the traffic in slaves in this area early on, much of the coast from Nigeria to Cameroon was relatively ignored by the Europeans, partly because of its difficult conditions (Tonkin 1971:143). However, the growing demand for slaves in the eighteenth century drove slavers further eastward to the lagoons of what is today Lagos and the creeks of the "Rivers" at the mouth of the Niger. Here the Europeans could anchor their vessels for the brief period needed to load the slaves that the African
traders kept ready for them (Osae et al. 1973:180). By the end of the eighteenth century Bonny and Calabar on the Bight of Biafra had become two of the most important trading ports.

The British made the slave trade illegal in 1807, and their navy patrolled this area to enforce the new law; however, trade in palm oil and other goods remained important. Protestant missionaries from England and Sierra Leone began coming to this area in the 1840s and were welcomed as teachers of arithmetic and English (Tonkin 1971:144). Britain annexed Lagos in 1861, the Rivers in 1885, and then all of Nigeria in 1900. Although Nigeria

[page] 22

retained English as its official language after independence in 1960 and a knowledge of the standard variety is essential for higher education and socioeconomic advancement, Pidgin still plays a major role in interethnic communication in linguistically heterogeneous urban centers, particularly in the south (Mafeni 1971:99).

Nigerian Pidgin English is a lingua franca for many, and thus a true pidgin in Hall's sense; it is also a mother tongue for a number of families in certain areas and communities, and as such might in these cases be defined as a Creole language (ibid. 95). Mafeni describes how the Creole English has emerged in Nigeria like this:
Inter-tribal and international marriages have become increasingly common in urban society. In many such
cases husband and wife may not share a common indigenous language, and as a result will often use Pidgin as their chief meduim of communication in the home; or, of course, Pidgin alongside standard English.
Children brought up in such homes naturally speak Pidgin, sometimes alongside standard English, as their
first language, although they may also speak the native language (s) of either or both parents. The children therefore learn to operate several linguistic systems, of which Pidgin is one of them; and in many cases it may be the primary and predominant system. However, even where both parents speak the same native language, many urban and partially detribalized children learn Pidgin very early although it is not the language of the home. Often several families live in the same compound, and if they differ in linguistic background Pidgin serves as a convenient lingua franca. The children in such compounds and neighborhoods find Pidgin an efficient means of communication among themselves, and may also use it at home even though their parents may not approve. (ibid. 98)

According to Mafeni, some Nigerians have two types of pidgin. The majority of servants employed by European

[page] 23
families use two quite different varieties of pidgin; one, a minimal variety, which they use to their employers — and which is the only kind of pidgin which most Europeans come across — and a fuller variety, pidgin proper, which they use elsewhere. Many Nigerians, although use pidgin as a register in certain, especially familiar, contexts, are nevertheless ashamed to be associated with the language in public. This is probably a result of the influence of parents and school authorities, who have often discouraged
its use because they consider it a debased form of English and not a language in its own right (ibid. 99).

Nigerians use their pidgin in variety of ways, in spite of the traditional attitudes of disapproval towards the language. Many Nigerian novelists, playwrights, advertising agents, trade unionists and even politicians have realized and are exploiting the great potentialities of the language as a medium of mass communication. The various broadcasting corporations in Nigeria have done much to popularize pidgin
by allowing its use in advertisement; the NBC radioserial "Save Journey" has been running with great success for a number of years; Achebe and other writers have used pidgin in their novels and poems (ibid. 100).

[...]

[page] 34
"CHAPTER 3
GHANAIAN PIDGIN ENGLISH: IN SEARCH OF CURRENT AND HISTORICAL EVIDENCE

Research Background

Considerable misinformation has been circulated about Ghanaian Pidgin English. Some Ghanaians attribute the worsening of standard English to the emergence of pidgin English.

[...]

But pidgin English is serving a very important purpose which many critics overlook. It serves as an important medium of communication. It is spoken on a wide scale in educational institutions, work places, airports, seaports, drinking places, markets, on the radio, in popular songs, on political platforms, and on many occasions. It is spoken by both literate and illiterate people. Most importantly, pidgin English is becoming the lingua franca in English speaking West Africa countries.

[...]

English has been the official language of Ghana since Britain colonized the Gold Coast (now Ghana) by the bond of 1844. This was the bond which made the Gold Coast a British colony. English was imposed as the language of administration by the British; their immediate practical aim being to bring together the separate political units which they had won either by conquest or treaty (Boadi 1971:49). After Ghana had its independence from the British rule in 1957, English is still a cohesive force internally. The
adoption of one of the 45 local languages as the lingua franca has not been easy and is not envisaged. This has made the English language the most obvious choice for both internal and external uses (ibid. 50). We may distinguish between educated and uneducated varieties of English in Ghana even though there is a graded continuum between them.

[...]

Ghanaian Pidgin English dates from the time the British set foot on the coast of the Gold Coast. It was limited to a relatively small and identifiable section of the population, mostly illiterate workers of various categories, almost exclusively from the northern sector of the colonial territory. These workers were mainly those who served in

[page] 42
various capacities directly under mostly English but also some Ghanaian and other African "masters" who needed some means of communication with them.

Pidgin gradually arose through simplifications of the structure of standard English and adaptation to native languages among these categories of workers. They tried to reproduce what they heard and retained of the fast speech of the English masters, or the Ghanaian and Asian masters.

The categories of people who learned this kind of simplified English were:

Police corporals . They were employed as guards at the courts, offices, parliament, "people's" houses, and other government places. "People" in this sense means the expatriates and high-ranking government officials who gualified to employ a guard.

Watchmen . These were employed in government departments and private houses. They were security officers who watched the houses and office buildings of the government as well as those of some private
individuals.

Laborers. They were employed in government departments -usually daily rated — like Public Works Department, Water Works, Electricity, and Housing.

Domestic staff . The domestic staff, who in those days were invariably male, were cooks, steward boys, and garden boys. They were usually called "small boys" by their employers. They in turn called their employers "masters",

[page] 43
hence the popular expression in Ghana: "Yes sa, masa." ("Yes sir, master.") It was usual for a visitor to ask: "Masa dey?" (Is your master present?) , and the reply: "I dey" (He's present) or "I no dey." (He isn't present).

The reason for the employment of these categories of workers from the northern part of Ghana was to promote the undivided loyalties to their employer, since they did not have their families with them in the south; even in the north, they could be far away from their own villages.

In the northern part of Ghana, the people were late in receiving formal education. That is why the employees from the North were some of the first speakers of Ghanaian Pidgin English.

Second World War

In our survey, sixteen informants, or 5% Of the respondents, mentioned the second World War as one of the
events that have contributed to the emergence of pidgin English in Ghana. This is especially true of the older respondents because of their association with the war.

Soldiers of the Gold Coast Regiment fought alongside their British counterparts during the Second World War (1939-1945) . They served as porters for the British soldiers. These porters were illiterates; hence in their efforts to communicate with their British counterparts Pidgin English evolved. These soldiers returned to Ghana with the Pidgin English. Some of them joined the Armed

[page] 44

Forces and others retired to live among the civilian population. A retired soldier informed us that formerly every soldier was made to learn pidgin English since it is the language used to drill soldiers on parade and training grounds. A police officer at a training depot also told us that police recruits are made to learn pidgin for the same reason. The trainers are illiterates and the English they know is the pidgin type. This training started with those who went to the Second World War.

[...]

Pidgin English has been used in the Ghanaian news media since the 1950s. There was a column in the "Evening News" - an evening newspaper — which was strictly reserved for the use of pidgin English. It was used to present vernacular jokes.

[page] 45

There was a radio program done in pidgin English in the 1950s called "Isa Abongo" by the late Leo Riby-Williams. In the 1960s there was a television comedy series also done in pidgin English. These were comedy programs meant to entertain the rank and file - mostly illiterate workers who would be expected to understand or speak pidgin English and so appreciate such programs in pidgin.

Contrary to the assumption that the majority of illiterate workers from all over the country spoke and
understood pidgin English and so would welcome such programs, it turned out that pidgin English was limited to only a small section of the population and that the rest would better enjoy programs in one of the local Ghanaian languages. The radio and television programs were therefore withdrawn after a short run; and eventually, through audience research survey, programs like Variety Show Case in Akan, Ga, Ewe, and other Ghanaian languages were substituted. These were and are much enjoyed by all sections of the population.

Sey (1973:3) says that with many educated people in the large towns it was not necessary for the illiterate people to deal directly with the English speakers for bilingual educated Ghanaians were always at hand to act as interpreters and "letter-writers" for the uneducated ones. This was one of the reasons why Ghanaian Pidgin English could not spread.

[page] 46

Current Emergence of Ghanaian Pidgin English: Factors

Within the past ten or twenty years, that is, from the early 1970s, it has been noticed by the informants in this survey that more Ghanaians are speaking pidgin English than in the 1950s and 1960s.

[...]

[page] 48
Contact with Other West African States

The main reason given for the fast spreading of the Ghanaian Pidgin English within the past twenty years is the recent increase of contacts between Ghanaians and other West African states where pidgin English is spoken on a wider scale. These countries are Liberia, Sierra Leone, and especially Nigeria. This increase is evidenced by the responses of informants to the question: "Which events have contributed toward the introduction and spread of pidgin English?" Out of 304 questionnaires, 236 informants responded to that question, 77.6% of the total survey. Out of the 236 respondents 127, that is, 53.8% mentioned
immigration of Ghanaians to other West African countries.

The Nigerian Influence

Of the 127 respondents who mentioned immigration as a factor to the current spread of Ghanaian Pidgin English, 105, that is 82.6%, said that Nigeria has been responsible.

Pidgin English is spoken everywhere in Nigeria. The writer spent three months in Lagos in 1981, and found that Nigerians speak standard English only on rare occasions in private conversations. Otherwise, they speak either one of the Nigerian languages or pidgin English.

The oil boom brought economic improvement to Nigeria in the early 1970s, and people from many countries, including Ghana, immigrated there. Both skilled and unskilled Ghanaian workers went to Nigeria to look for green pastures.

[page] 49

They spent their holidays in Ghana, and often took whatever they acquired to Ghana. One important thing they brought back to Ghana was pidgin English.

In the early 1980s, many Ghanaians and other foreign nationals were expelled from Nigeria. These returnees
raised the use of pidgin English in Ghana to its ascendancy.

[...]

[page] 51
Other Factors

One important factor which has contributed to the spread of GPE is illiteracy. In 1980, only 30% of the adult population in Ghana were literate and 69% of school age persons were literate. Yet only 20 out of the 236, that is 8.5%, respondents attributed the spread of GPE to illiteracy and lack of formal education. Nonetheless, this is an important factor, since a small country like Ghana (Area:
238,537 sq. km.) with nearly 14 million people has 44 languages (refer to Appendix B for the Ghana Language Map) and none of them is the national language. This fact compels people to use English as the means of communication in inter-language conversation. The illiterate ones, therefore, have to recourse to pidgin English.

Military regimes in Ghana have also contributed to the spread of pidgin English. Ghana has had four long-term military regimes in the country's history. The 12 respondents (5% of the group) who mentioned this factor said that the military regimes have brought the soldiers into the streets and involved them in the day-to-day life of the civilian population. The civilians have therefore been imitating the pidgin English which most of the soldiers speak.

[...]

[page] 52

Other factors for the spread of GPE are trade, boarding schools, urbanization, prisoners, and the increasing number of magazines which feature pidgin English, and the increasing interest in reading such magazines.

[...]

[page] 142
Summary

This chapter is a further demonstration of the assertion that pidgin is spoken in Ghana. We have discussed

[page] 143
the speakers of Ghanaian Pidgin English and the places where the language is spoken. The major speakers are males, students, military and police personnels, youngsters, co-workers, and friends. Educational institutions, urban areas, work places, lorry stations, military and police barracks, and entertainment places are the most obvious places where one will hear GPE. The usage of GPE is mostly in the spoken mode. There is little usage of GPE in the written mode. There is no book that has been written entirely in GPE. Authors like Kofi Anyidoho and Ayi Kwei Armah have included a page or two of GPE in their works. The major written usage of GPE that has received greater attention of the reading public is found in the comics of
Mugu Yaro, Baba Dogo, and Gyato. Speakers of GPE use it for communication, entertainment, politics, socialization, and fun. The attitude of Ghanaians toward GPE is not encouraging. Many people do not want the language to be spoken or written. Their major reason for opposing the usage of GPE is that it has some adverse effects on both the written and spoken usages of standard English. Most Ghanaians say that GPE should not be encouraged.

The methodology used for this research might have contributed toward the negative attitude towards GPE. The respondents claim not to like to speak pidgin because the survey was part of an education project where they expected researchers not to like pidgin. Perhaps they have applied

[page] 144
an argumentum ad populum policy, that is, telling the researchers what they want to hear."

****
This concludes Part I of this pancocojams post that presents excerpts of a 1992 dissertation about Ghanaian Pidgin English.

Thanks for visiting pancocojams.

Visitor comments are welcome.

Thursday, February 23, 2017

The Nigerian Origins & Cuban Meanings Of The Word "Lukumi"

Edited by Azizi Powell

This post provides excerpts of selected online articles and discussion forum comments about the word "lukumi". Additional excerpts are from online introductions from Lukumi dictionaries/glossaries.

The content of this post is presented for etymological, historical, and cultural purposes.

Note: I compile hyperlinked excerpts of online articles/discussion threads to make pancocojams visitors aware of these resources and to help increase the likelihood that those online articles/discussion threads will be preserved for the historical and cultural record.

I encourage pancocojams readers to click on those links and read the full articles, discussion threads, and dictionaries/glossaries.

All copyrights remain with their owners.

Thanks to all those who are quoted in this post.

****
EXCERPTS FROM SELECTED ONLINE SOURCES ABOUT THE WORD "LUKUMI"
These excerpts are given in no particular order. I've numbered them for referencing purposes only.

Article Excerpt #1:
From http://www.orishaimage.com/blog/yoruba-lukumi-guide THE INCOMPLETE YORÙBÁ GUIDE TO LUKUMÍ [retrieved Feb. 23, 2017]

Introduction

Like many “aleyos” I first came into contact with Orisha worship while travelling to Cuba. I went there to study popular Latin percussion and ended up taking folkloric batá drum lessons. Years later I was learning songs and prayers of the Lukumí-people, as the Yorùbá descendants call themselves there - from my Padrino. I always wanted to know their exact meaning and recognized that interpretation varies a lot. As I was enrolled in African language studies as a student at first I thought it should not be too difficult deciphering the Yorùbá. I started taking private Yorùbá classes with a Nigerian teacher and got into the “retranslation-issue”. I wanted to share some of my personal experience in this post.

The term “Yorùbá” itself has its roots in the Hausa people and their language in the northern parts of Nigeria. They call their neighbours in the south today still “Bàyarabé”. This name was adopted by the colonists and over the centuries became “Yorùbá”. The Yorùbá people in the past would have defined themselves as the subgroup and dialect group they belonged to, linked to different kingdoms, not as a single ”nation”. Also in Cuba various “cabildos de nación” existed, with names like Oyo, Egguado, Ibada, Iyechá, Ketu, Ife etc. This shows that Yorùbá slaves once sticked to their local identities even in the diaspora of slavery. In their own language Yorùbá would call themselves “ọmọ Odùduwà”, childs of Oduduwa. Nowadays the term “Yorùbá” is of course widely in use and many Lukumí in Cuba also use it to describe their culture.

Slave-trade grouped African people together into different categories. Loose ethnic or local descriptions were used for people of the same origin, like Ewe/Fon-speaking slaves from the area of the city Alada in today's Republic of Benin became registered as “Arara” at the port in Havana, or ”Rada” in Haiti. The term ”Lukumí” comes from a name that was given to a certain region in Yorùbá-land called "Ulkami, Ulcumi, Ulkuma, Lucamee" and can be found in historic maps from colonial times in West Africa. In Cuba this became the name for Yorùbá speaking people to refer to their own “nation”.

For this article I differ between Yorùbá, the spoken language in Nigeria, and Lukumí, the remains of this language as used by the Spanish-speaking people in Cuba for reciting prayers and songs of their ancestors. The language Yorùbá had no written form up to 1850, when Samuel A.Crowther, a freed Yorùbá-slave, translated the bible into Yorùbá. He was educated and raised by Christian missionaries in Sierra Leone, where many captured slaveships where unloaded by the British. He developed the first standard of written Yorùbá, using the English alphabet based on Oyo and Ibadan dialects...

There is also a general tendency to mark Yorùbá-words in Lukumí with a diacritic mark on the end of the word, as a kind of general sign for any Yorùbá-word. In my experience it is often pronounced correctly in speech, but when it comes to writing, Lukumí often does not correlate to the spoken language. Like the Yorùbá-term “Òsùn” (Ifá-staff, known as “Oricha guerrero” in Cuba). Although written “Osún” or “Ozún” in Lukumí it is always pronounced with an emphasis on the first syllable. It seems like the diacritic marks often are just used for decorating a word of African origin....

Yor. Èṣù = Luk. Echú (name of Orisha)
Yor. Ọya = Luk. Oyá (name of Orisha)
Yor. bàtà (shoes), bàtá (name of a drum) = Luk. batá (shoes, name of a drum)
Yor. Ọbàtálá = Luk. Obatalá (name of Orisha)
Yor. ìlù (drum), ilú (city) = Luk. ilú (drum or city)
Yor. ọ̀tá (enemy), ọta (stone) = Luk. otá (enemy or stone)
Yor. ara (body), ará (people), àrá (thunder) = Luk. ará (body, people, thunder)….

Yor. Ṣ = Luk. CH

The Yorùbá “ṣ” sound, depending on the dialect, is more or less like the English “sh” in “shoulder“ and does not exist in Spanish. Instead it became a strong and sharp sounding “ch” sound (pronounced like in English ”etching”), almost without any exception. Wande Abimbola said in the book “Ifá will mend the broken world” there are also Yorùbá dialects which pronounce the “ṣ” in this strong way and maybe this is also due to the influence of slaves from the Kétu or Ònkò region. Although it is obvious that it has to do a lot with Spanish influence as well.

Yor. àṣẹ = Luk. aché (universal energy)
Yor. Òrìṣà = Luk. Oricha (spiritual entity)
Yor. Ọ̀ṣun = Luk. Ochún (name of Orisha)
Yor. aṣọ = Luk. achó (piece of clothes)
Yor. ṣaworo (jingling bells) = Luk. chaworó (bells on bàtá-drums)
Yor. double vowels = Luk. one vowel"

****
Article Excerpt #2:
From ttps://translate.google.com/translate?hl=en&sl=es&u=http://www.lahistoriaconmapas.com/historia/definicion-de-lucumi/&prev=search [translated from Spanish to English]
"Lucumí

01/11/2007 History
Tweet
Voice of Yoruba African origin, belonging to Afrocuban cultural and religious lexicon, and, more specifically, Santeria, Afro-Cuban popular religion, often used as a synonym for Yoruba, especially in religious contexts related to the Santera religion.

In any case, the origins and the evolution of the term are very confusing, since it was introduced massively mainly in the XVIII and XIX centuries, with the development of the sugar industry. Some specialists have argued that it is related to Ulkumy, a region situated to the east of the kingdom of Dahomey, in present-day southern Nigeria, which, beginning in 1734, began to appear in documentary sources under a different name, Ayo or Oyó. It was one of the regions where thousands of Yoruba slaves, kidnapped by the traffickers of European and American men, went to the islands of the Caribbean and many other American ports. Scholars like Heriberto Feraudy have pointed out, however, that the Lucumí voice comes from the term yoruba olùkumi "I am a good man", that would have been repeated by the slaves, by way of protection or protest of innocence, when they were deported.

Bibliography

BARNET, Miguel. Afro-Cuban Cults: The Rule of Ocha. The Rule of Palo Monte (Havana, 1995).
FERNÁNDEZ MARTÍNEZ, Mirta and PORRAS POTTS, Valentina. The ashé is in Cuba (La Habana, 1998).

JMP

LUCUMÍ
Source: Britannica"

****
Article Excerpt #3:
From http://pluralism.org/religions/afro-caribbean/afro-caribbean-traditions/santeria-the-lucumi-way/
"Of all the New World societies, Cuba received captives from the greatest mix of African origins. They came from all parts of the coast and interior of western Africa, their numbers dwarfing all reliable estimates of the number of captives brought to the entire United States. Between 500,000 and 700,000 Africans reached Cuba, the majority arriving in the nineteenth century. The size, diversity, and continual replenishment of this population allowed a rich array of African-inspired religions to flourish there, even beyond the end of the slave trade.

The gods of West Africa are called orisha in Yoruba, oricha in Spanish. Yoruba people also speak of a supreme being, Olorun or Olodumare, whose power or life-energy, called ashe, becomes manifest through both ancestral spirits and the orisha. In Cuba, as in Haiti, West African gods became paired with Roman Catholic saints in syncretistic relationships. In Cuba, the ruler of lightning, called Shango in Yoruba and Chango in Spanish, is identified with St. Barbara. Ogun, the lord of iron and technology, is identified with St. George, Babalu Aye is identified with St. Lazarus, and Yemaya, goddess of the sea, with Our Lady of Regla, the patroness of a Havana suburb.

It has long been common to call Cuban oricha-worship “Santería” because of the identification of the orichas with the saints. However the term is now being rejected by those who think it overemphasizes the Catholic and syncretistic elements. Increasingly, many within the Afro-Caribbean tradition prefer to call it La Regla Lucumi, “the order of Lucumi,” or La Regla de Ocha, “the order of the orichas.” The term Lucumi is said to derive from a Yoruba greeting meaning, “my friend.”

In the past few decades, Santería, or La Regla Lucumi, has come to the United States with Cuban immigrants: in New York, for instance, some believe the Statue of Liberty embodies the presence of Yemaya. Botanicas selling the religious articles, herbs, candles, and images of the tradition proliferate in Miami, Seattle, and New York. It is estimated that between 250,000 and one million practice Santería in the United States. However there is no visible infrastructure, and most practitioners, if asked, would publicly identify themselves as Catholic.”...

****
Article Excerpt [Discussion Forum] #4:
From http://www.nairaland.com/838249/yoruba-language-most-influential-nigerian/4
Re: Yoruba Language Is The Most Influential Nigerian Language Outside Nigeria. by Ptolomeus(m): 9:31pm On Feb 03, 2012Re: Yoruba Language Is The Most Influential Nigerian Language Outside Nigeria. by Ptolomeus(m): 9:31pm On Feb 03, 2012
"Dear friend amor4ce
Reading his interesting presentation, I noticed that you separate the Yoruba language of the "Lucumi" languaje. The term "Lucumi" is widely used on the island of Cuba to refer to both the Yoruba language as them. In my work as a researcher, some documents refer to the term "Lucumi" became so used to calling the Yoruba, under which they (the Yoruba) very often used the phrase "Lukumí" that mean something in Yoruba as "my friend"...

**
Re: Yoruba Language Is The Most Influential Nigerian Language Outside Nigeria. by amor4ce(m): 1:03am On Feb 06, 2012
"The Yoruba-speaking people of Cuba who are called Lucumi just might be the descendants of their fellow Yoruba speakers in Delta state of Nigeria who call themselves and their Yoruba dialect Ulukwumi. Note that some Igbo people on this forum have been trying to claim the Ulukwumi as Igbo."

****
Article #5 & #6
#5: From https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ulukwumi_language
"Ulukwumi is a small Yoruba language spoken among the Edoid languages of Delta State, Nigeria."

**
#6:
From https://www.ethnologue.com/language/ulb
"Ulukwumi
A language of Nigeria
Population
L1 users: 10,000 (Crozier and Blench 1992).
Location
Edo state: Esan South East LGA, west of Niger river."
-snip-
From http://legacy.joshuaproject.net/people-profile.php?peo3=15704&rog3=NI “The Joshua Project” indicates that there are 18,000 Ulukwumi in Nigeria. “Ulukwumi” on that page refers to the ethnic group-a subset of Yoruba- and to the language that they speak.

****
Article Excerpt #7 & #8
#7:
From https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Lucum%C3%AD_people
"The Lucumí people are an Afro-Cuban ethnic group[1] of Yoruba ancestry[2] that practice La Regla Lucumí.[3][4]"

**
#8:
From https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Lucum%C3%AD_language
"Lucumí is a Yoruba dialect and the liturgical language of Santería in Cuba.[3][4] It is sometimes known as Yorùbá.[5] It is the language of the Yoruba people, brought to the New World by African slaves, and preserved in Santería, Candomblé, and other transplanted African religions. The Yoruba descendents in these communities, as well as non-descendents that have adopted one of the Yoruba-based religions in the diaspora, no longer speak any of the Yoruba dialects with any level of fluency. And the liturgical usage also reflects the compromise of the language whereby there isn't an understand of correct grammar nor proper intonation. Spirit possession by the Yoruba deities in Cuba shows that the deity manifested in the devotee at a Cuban orisa ceremony delivers messages to the faithful in Bozal, a type of Spanish-based creole with some words of Yoruba language as well as those of Bantu origin with an inflection similar to the way Africans would speak as they were learning Spanish during enslavement."

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Article Excerpt [Dictionary List] #9
From http://www.orishanet.org/vocab.html
"Lucumí Vocabulary

Lucumí or Lacumí is the Yoruba language as it is spoken in Cuba and the United States. Yoruba is a tonal language like Chinese...

I should note here that Lacumí is an oral tradition and that the written versions were meant to be more "cheat sheets" than anything else and should not be used as "proof" of the decomposition of the language. Lakumí speakers in Matanzas and other areas speak very much as any Yoruba speaker would. I have spoken with Nigerian born Yoruba speakers in Lacumí without any difficulty whatsoever. In fact, on one occasion I was greeted with a very surprised "you speak Yoruba!!!" from the astonished Yoruba man I was speaking with.”...

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Article Excerpt #10
From https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Santer%C3%ADa
"Santería, also known as Regla de Ochá , La Regla de Ifá,[1][2] or Lucumi is a syncretic religion of Caribbean origin that developed in the Spanish Empire among West African descendants. Santeria is also a Spanish word that means the worship of saints. Santería is influenced by and syncretized with Roman Catholicism. Its liturgical language, a dialect of Yoruba, is also known as Lucumí."

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Article Excerpt [Glossary] #11
From http://www.archerbarron.com/a-glossary-of-lucumi-words-and-ideas/
"A Glossary of Lucumi Words and Ideas

This glossary of English, Spanish and Lucumí terms aims at illuminating aspects of How to Greet Strangers, not at providing a full description of the Lucumí religious tradition also known as Santería. For further information, see: Santería: African Spirits in America by Joseph M. Murphy; Santería Enthroned: Art Ritual and Innovation in an Afro-Cuban Religion by David M. Brown; and The Diloggun: The Orishas, Proverbs, Sacrifices, and Prohibitions of Cuban Santeria by Ocha’ni Lele.

Unless a word is noted as English, this glossary follows Spanish rules for accent. If an accent is marked, the stress of the word falls on the marked syllable. Words with unmarked accents are to be pronounced according to normal Spanish rules: on the next to last syllable if the word ends in a vowel, n or s; in all other cases on the last syllable. Modern Yoruba, sister language to Lucumí, has its own system of accent and other diacritical marks. The Spanish accent system is more accurate to the pronunciation of these words in the Yoruban diaspora in both Cuba and the United States."...

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