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Showing posts with label Melanesia. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Melanesia. Show all posts

Wednesday, June 15, 2022

The Aetas (Black And Brown Skinned People Of The Philippines), Part I: Information & Introductory Video



ohAFRO, Apr 30, 2022 Meet the Aeta Tribe of the PhilipPines. These indigenous people of the Philippines, known as the "Aeta", are a group related to the Negrito ethnic group who occupy Ifugao province of the Philippines They are characterized by their hight, kinky hair, and dark skin. The Negritos are thought to be one of the earliest inhabitants of the Philippines about 30,000 years ago.
Most people think the Are a stolen tribe from Africa but According to historians, the Aetas are Australo Malesians, the same group of blacks found in Australia and Melanesians of Solomon Islands. While they do share a close resemblance with Africans, it is not clear as to how they arrived in the Philippines. There are several theories one of which is the 'The Land Bridge theory' **** Edited by Azizi Powell This is Part I of a three part pancocojams series* on the Aeta [pronounced EYE tah] people of the Philippines. This post showcases an introductory 2022 YouTube video about the Aeta and presents excerpts from a 2013 Journal of Anthropology article entitled "Indigenous Aeta Magbukún Self-Identity, Sociopolitical Structures, and Self-Determination at the Local Level in the Philippines."

Click https://pancocojams.blogspot.com/2022/06/should-aeta-black-brown-skinned-people.html for Part II of this pancocojams series. That post showcases two YouTube videos that are entitled "African Tribes of the Philippines (part 1)" and "African Tribes of the Philippines (part 2). These videos (vlogs) were published in 2019 by African American vlogger Travel and Truth

Part II also showcases a 2020 YouTube video from Papua New Guinean man entitled "Aetas from Philippines are Not Africans, they are Australo-Melanesians". That video (vlog) was published as a rebuttal to those two above mentioned videos.

Click https://pancocojams.blogspot.com/2022/06/should-aetas-black-brown-skinned-people.html for Part III of this pancocojams series. That post presents selected comments that present clarification for, or are critical of or supportive of the use of  "African" as a referent for Aetas (black or brown skinned people of the Philippines).   
The content of this post is presented for historical, socio-cultural, and educational purposes. All copyrights remain with their owners. Thanks to all Aeta and thanks to all those who are featured in and are associated with this showcased video. Thanks also to all those who are quoted in this post. -snip- *Additional pancocojams posts on this subject can be found using the tag "Aeta" in this blog's internal seach engine or by using Google's search engine for the words "pancocojams Aeta". **** WIKIPEDIA ARTICLE EXCERPT From https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Aeta_people "The Aeta (Ayta /ˈaɪtə/ EYE-tə), Agta, or Dumagat, are collective terms for several Filipino indigenous peoples who live in various parts of the island of Luzon in the Philippines. They are considered to be part of the Negrito ethnic groups and share common physical characteristics of dark skin tones, short statures, curly to Afro-textured hair, and a higher frequency of naturally lighter hair colour (blondism) relative to the general population. They are thought to be among the earliest inhabitants of the Philippines, preceding the Austronesian migrations.[2][3] Regardless, modern Aeta populations have significant Austronesian admixture and speak Austronesian languages.[4]

Aeta communities were historically nomadic hunter-gatherers, typically consisting of approximately 1 to 5 families per mobile group.[5] Groups under the "Aeta" umbrella term are normally referred to after their geographic locations or their common languages.[6][7][8][9]

[...]

Definition

Aeta (also Ayta, Áitâ, Ita, Alta, Arta, Atta, or Agta) is a collective term. Although commonly thought of as a single group, it is in reality composed of several ethnic groups that share similar hunter-gatherer lifestyles and physical features. They are usually divided into three main groups: the Aeta from Central Luzon; the Agta of Southeastern Luzon; and the Dumagat (also spelled Dumaget) of Eastern Luzon. These divisions, however, are arbitrary, and the three names can be used interchangeably. They are also commonly confused with the Ati people of the Visayas Islands.[6][4][12]

[...]

The Aeta people in the Philippines are often grouped with other Negritos, such as the Semang on the Malay Peninsula, and sometimes grouped with Australo-Melanesians, which includes groups such as the natives of Australia and Papuans; as well as partially, the Melanesians of the Solomon Islands, Vanuatu, Fiji, and the French overseas special collectivity of New Caledonia. Australo-Melanesians are genetically diverse due to the thousands of years they have been isolated from each other, but they all display high percentages of Denisovan gene flow.[13]

The Aeta, like other Negritos, are the descendants of the earliest modern human migrations into the Philippine islands during the Paleolithic, around 40,000 years ago. In contrast with the later seaborne Austronesian migrations (c. 5,000 years ago), the Negritos arrived through the Sundaland land bridges that linked the islands with the Asian mainland.[13]

Despite this, the Aeta, like other modern Philippine Negrito groups, have significant Austronesian admixture (~10% to 30%) due to population mixing after Austronesian contact. The Aeta speak Austronesian languages and follow Austronesian cultural practices to a limited extent. Conversely, other Filipino ethnic groups not traditionally considered Negritos, also have Negrito admixture (~10 to 20%). Aetas are most closely related to the Batak people of Palawan.[14][13]"...
****

2013 ANTHROPOLOGY JOURNAL EXCERPT From https://www.hindawi.com/journals/janthro/2013/391878/

Journal of Anthropology / 2013 / Article

Indigenous Aeta Magbukún Self-Identity, Sociopolitical Structures, and Self-Determination at the Local Level in the Philippines

Vincent S. Balilla,1 Julia Anwar McHenry,2 Mark P. McHenry,3 Riva Marris Parkinson,1 and Danilo T. Banal4

"Abstract

[…]

1. Introduction

[…]

Indigenous identities are contested in the Philippines as a result of successive ways of migration of many different peoples throughout the Asian region, long before the arrival and colonisation by Europeans [8]. The Philippines contains a great diversity of peoples with over 169 living ethnolinguistic groups, about 140 of which are acknowledged as Indigenous [9]. Of the 78 provinces that make up the Philippines, Indigenous peoples are present in more than 50 and, depending on the definition of Indigenous populations used, represent from 10 to 20 percent of the total Philippine population [9, 10]. Such a high density of cultural, language, and ethnicity differentiation among Indigenous peoples in the Philippines arose as a result of geographical segregation, and many of these populations retreated into isolated regions during successive events related to immigrations, displacement, discrimination, and more recently economic development [2].

One of the most well-known Indigenous groups in the Philippines is the Aeta, found in central (Aeta, Ita), eastern (Dumagat), and southeastern Luzon (Agta), as well as several islands in the Visayas (Ati). In the Bataan Peninsula of central Luzon, a single Indigenous group, known as the Aeta Magbukún can be found living near the fringe of the Manila Bay/South China Sea and the forest cover of Mount Mariveles in the Philippines. The Aeta Magbukún are one of the least studied Indigenous groups in the Philippines, and despite the encroaching population of non-Indigenous peoples, they have maintained a primarily traditional hunter-gatherer existence [11]. Mariveles is a municipality with a population of 102, 844 (in 2007), located at the southern tip of the Bataan Peninsula, about 173 km from the capital Manila with a cove bounded on its eastern, western, and southern sides by the Manila Bay and South China Sea (Figure 1). Mariveles is composed of eighteen barangays (settlements) lying along the coastal and flat lands, with larger and predominantly undeveloped mountainous areas where the Aeta Magbukún live. The Aeta Magbukún’s bayan-bayanan (village/hamlet), recently constructed by an NGO, is a separate site within barangay Biaan, the smallest barangay in terms of population, yet one of the largest in terms of land area. Only two years ago, an overgrown and unmaintained earthen road led to the Aeta Magbukún’s bayan-bayanan from the local town centre. Recently the road has been upgraded and renamed to become the Mariveles-Bagac Highway. This and other related developments have resulted in a cultural upheaval for Aeta Magbukún and a growing fear of losing their unique language and culture.

[…]

2. Basic Demography and Population Structure

At the end of 2008 the total population of the Aeta Magbukún’s bayan-bayanan was 107, with a total of 21 nuclear families. (The authors would like to note that most of the tribe remains nomadic and travels extensively within the Mariveles forests. The bayan-bayanan with permanent buildings is primarily a development derived from the establishment of an Aeta school at the site provided by another NGO. As such, many children stay in the bayan-bayanan due to practicalities of proximity, as the Aeta Magbukún place a high value on their children’s education.) Population sex ratios included 63 (59 percent) males and 44 (41 percent) females, with 72 (67 percent) of the total population aged between zero and thirty (Figure 2). The average size of an Aeta Magbukún nuclear family is five family members, including the mother and father. In the period from 1990 to 2008, there was an average of three live births per annum. Only ten (nine percent) of the community are non-Aetas, and all of them are spouses of Aetas. Thus, ten out of twenty-one (47 percent) married couples in the bayan-bayanan are of mixed marriage, which is a recent phenomenon, as genetic studies indicate a distinct homogenous genetic history, quite apart from the rest of the Philippine population and Asia-Pacific generally [13–18].

3. Aeta Magbukún Group Psychology: The “Aeta” Self-Representation

Common names that identify Aetas from non-Aetas in the Philippines include kulot (curly haired Aetas) as opposed to unat (straight-haired non-Aetas) and Aeta as opposed to Tagalog. (Tagalog is the most common ethnolinguistic group in Luzon, Philippines.) The Aeta Magbukún often refer to non-Aetas in the third person as tao, which, in Tagalog, literally means “a person.” When asked in the Aeta Magbukún language, “Kung tao ako, eh ano ka?” (translated into English as “If I am a person, then what are you?”), an Aeta Magbukún would simply answer “Aeta.” The use of these terms does not suggest that the Aeta Magbukún have a different existential philosophy; it is simply how they recognise themselves as distinct from non-Aetas. Conversely, within the several groups of Indigenous peoples of the Philippines and other closely related Aeta groups, such sharp distinctions are common.

The Chieftain of the Aeta Magbukún explained the term Magbukún originated from the word bukud/magbukud, which literally means “to separate from” in the Aeta Magbukún language. Aeta Magbukún, and women in particular, are known for their reclusive shyness in social situations, particularly outside of their own bayan-bayanan. Despite this shyness, in some situations Aetas are known to passionately defend their distinctiveness as Aeta Magbukún as opposed to other Aeta groups and non-Aeta alike. For example, a shy Aeta Magbukún mother of two was mistaken for a “Pinatubo Aeta” (“Pinatubo Aeta” is the common name given by Aeta Magbukún to describe displaced Aetas from the Mount Pinatubo locale of Zambales, Tarlac, or Pampanga to the north of Bataan who are stereotypically viewed as beggars. This is relatively common in some places as a result of the devastating 1990 Mount Pinatubo volcanic eruption, evacuation, resettlement, and associated social upheaval) by a vendor at the local marketplace, who had subsequently driven her away. Despite her shyness, the mother was so irritated that she confronted the vendor saying “’Di ako namamalimos! Hindi ako Pinatubo! Heto ang pera ko!” (“I am not a beggar! I am not from Pinatubo! Here’s my money!”). The Chieftain’s wife described how she felt ashamed when she sees “Pinatubo Aetas” begging around Mariveles and the marketplace. As a result she also tends to be very reclusive outside of her own bayan-bayanan, as she fears she will be mistaken as a “Pinatubo Aeta” and treated as such. On one occasion, while selling honey (an important Aeta Magbukún traditional food gathered seasonally from the forest) a man approached the Chieftain’s wife and gave her a five Peso coin. She immediately answered “’Di ho ako namamalimos…nagbabanat ho ako ng buto…” (“Please, I am not a beggar…I work to the bone…”). She then gave the five Peso coin back to the man. These examples show both the pride and sensitivity of the Aeta Magbukún’s sense of self-identity. The specific annoyance towards being recognised as “Pinatubo Aetas” stems from their belief that it is particularly shameful for an able-bodied Aeta to resort to begging. This is compounded by the relatively short travelling distance between main centres in the Bataan and Zambales regions and shared physical features between Aeta groups. The differentiated Aeta identity enables the Aeta Magbukún to present themselves as a distinguished Aeta group that has lived relatively independently since pre-European colonisation.

[…]

7. Conclusion

The Aeta Magbukún way of life has remained independent from mainstream Philippine society over several thousands of years. However, due increased economic activity and encroachment of non-Aeta on traditional lands, the Aetas traditional livelihoods and way of life are threatened. To ensure their basic human rights and quality of life, the Aetas are increasingly required to participate in the formal and informal non-Aeta economy with whom they increasingly share their traditional lands [2]. The Aeta Magbukún acknowledge that they are, as with most Indigenous peoples around the world, both socially and economically marginalised. Yet they have a strong sense of self-identity and are committed to self-determination for the betterment of their people, culture, and unique way of life.

Drawing attention to the plight of various Indigenous peoples generally is commonly illustrated through historical discrimination and oppression [22]. Increasing awareness of the livelihood, sociopolitical structure, and general predicament of specific Indigenous peoples can contribute to improved political representation, further claims for special protection, and potentially secure future self-determination [12]. However, progress with Indigenous rights will be particularly challenging without support from national governments, non-government organisations, and the broader non-Aeta community."

****
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Wednesday, March 30, 2022

Information About And Five YouTube Videos Of Local String Bands In Vanuatu, Melanesia (2005-2020)



Scott Wilson, Feb. 27, 2012

Some Video footage of the Le Lagon Wedding String Band in Vanuatu **** Edited by Azizi Powell This pancocojams post presents some information about string bands in the Melanesia nation of Vanuatu. Five videos of string bands from Vanuatu are also included in this post. This is a very small sample of the number of Vanuatu string bands on YouTube. Update: April 2, 2022- Bonus video. The content of this post is presented for cultural, entertainment, and aesthetic purposes. All copyrights remain with their owners. Thanks to all the musicians and singers who are featured in these videos. Thanks also to all those who quoted in this post. -snip-
This is part of an ongoing post about Vanuatu. Click the links found below for previous and subsequent posts on this subject.
**** INFORMATION ABOUT VANUATU STRING BANDS These excerpts are given in no particular order and are numbered for referencing purposes only.

EXCERPT #1 From https://nathannothinsez.blogspot.com/2013/09/vanuatu.html Vanuatu, 06 September 2013 "Vanuatu is a group of islands in the South Pacific that became an independent republic in 1980. Through most of the 20th Century, the islands were jointly controlled by France & England. One of the most popular types of music on Vanuatu is the String Bands. Many of the String Bands come from the island of Espiritu Santo, a large mountainous island in the north of Vanuatu, but every island & every village has their local bands.

The String Band sound is based on Polynesian music. It came to Vanuatu towards the end of World War II. The musicians play string instruments (guitars, ukuleles, one-string bass) & percussion (drums or tambourine). The songs are sung by a single person or by the whole band in chorus.

In the 1960s, the songs mainly criticized the occupation by the colonial powers, in the 1970s they followed the uprising against these powers, & in 1980 they celebrated independence. Today, the compositions of the String Bands may recall a national, local or personal event. A song may deal with the development of tourism or with economic problems in rural areas; it may denounce the ubiquitous influence of Australia or the compliance of local politics; it may have been written for a wedding or in the wake of some natural disaster. But these songs also preserve the memory of an extraordinarily pretty girl, a successful hunting party, or the end of a relationship.

These songs have a “historical storage function,” allowing an event to be kept alive & passed on from generation to generation. Everyone knows these songs. They are sung in Bislama (the everyday language of Vanuatu), English, French or one of the regional languages. The songs are one of the archipelago’s cultural treasures, often passed on from village to village,& from island to island.”… **** EXCERPT #2 From https://books.google.com › books

The SAGE International Encyclopedia of Music and Culturehttps://books.google.com › books

Janet Sturman · 2019 · ‎Music
"In the 1970s, a local musical style called string band grew up. It is a blend of local, Western, and Polynesian musical styles."....

****
EXCERPT #3
[Pancocojams Editor's Note: This excerpt includes several entries from the jujumas.blogspot.com.]

1) From http://jujumamas.blogspot.com/2012/11/vanuatu-string-band-music.html "I have visited Vanuatu several times now and every time I go I make sure to pick up a few CDs of Vanuatu String Band music. Dokowia, Tokosowia, Lautano II, Jipijiroa and Dausake are just to name a few. These bands are always produced by Bistaveos Productions I had noticed and so are their video clips which I love to view on YouTube. One day during our stay in Port Vila we decided to seek out Bistaveos Productions to meet the people who make the music we love so much.

Posted 1st November 2012 by Ona Filloy

** 2) From http://jujumamas.blogspot.com/2012/11/joe-bong.html "It wasn't long before Joe Bong turned up and what a great guy he turned out to be. Joe does so much for the arts in Vanuatu. In fact he is the Head of the Music Federation and the Arts Association of Vanuatu which he himself formed. He is the owner of Bistaveos Productions which produce all the music and videos from Vanuatu. But alas when we met Joe some rivals who wanted to start their own music studio had helped themselves to most of his gear! He could still manage a smile and a laugh with us."

Posted 11th November 2012 by Ona Filloy

** 3) From http://jujumamas.blogspot.com/2012/11/string-band.html "Joe's real name is Joe Tjiobang but everyone calls him Joe Bong. Joe invited us up to his recording studio which was is situated directly behind the Port Vila Police Station. His recording studio had been emptied out as well.....right under the nose of the coppers. Joe is obviously very resourceful though and had managed to find some gear and a sound engineer was busy recording a string band when we arrived!

Posted 12th November 2012 by Ona Filloy ** BONUS VIDEO ( Added April 2, 2022)
Vanuatu, villagers dancing with string band in Lambot village, Gauia Island, Banks Islands


SDA Music Ministries, Jun 6, 2009

Have a fun with Lambot villlage people

****

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Excerpt Of a 2017 Journal Article About Music In Port Vila, The Capitol City Of Vanuatu (Melanesia)

Edited by Azizi Powell

This pancocojams post presents an excerpt of the 2017 journal article by Monika Stern entitled "Is Music a “Safe Place”? The Creative and Reactive Construction of Urban Youth through Reggae Music (Port Vila, Vanuatu)." This excerpt is given without most of the footnotes numbers and their text.

The content of this post is presented for historical, socio-cultural, and educational purposes.

All copyrights remain with their owners.

Thanks to Monika Stern and all those who are quoted in this post.
-snip-
This is part of an ongoing post about Vanuatu. Click the links found below for previous and subsequent posts on this subject.

****

JOURNAL EXCERPT
From https://journals.openedition.org/jso/7852

Journal de la Société des Océanistes

[…]

144-145 | 2017 : Urbanisation en Mélanésie

[…]

Is Music a “Safe Place”? The Creative and Reactive Construction of Urban Youth through Reggae Music (Port Vila, Vanuatu)

[…]

Monika Stern

p. 117-130

" […]

Music as a “way out”?

Today in Port Vila, music plays a crucial role for many young men. It is one of the most readily available tools for them to cope with the lived experience of marginalization and keep themselves “safe” (to use their expression).

[…]

The life of young people in the settlements and their marginalization

The population of the Melanesian archipelago of Vanuatu is currently very young. According to the last national census of 2009, 66% of the population was under 30 (National Census, 2009). However, as Buchlotz has pointed out, youth is not a clear, nor a universal category. It depends not on age criteria but on context:

“In a given culture, pre-adolescent individuals may count as youth, while those in their 30s or 40s may also be included in this category. And youth as a cultural stage often marks the beginning of a long-term, even lifelong, engagement in particular cultural practices, whether its practitioners continue to be included in the youth category or not.” (Bucholtz, 2002: 526)

Thus, today in Port Vila, “youth” cannot be defined by age or family situation (marriage, children). My observations show that if a person spends time with groups of peers who consider themselves “young people” and participates in their activities and networks, he or she is regarded as such. Thus, though musicians are often described as “young”, in fact, they may be of very different ages. As one of my friends (at the time he was around 30) told me, music is the activity of his youth, when he is older, he will have to find a different occupation because “music is for youth”. More than ten years later, in his 40s, he is still a famous musician and seems to have no desire to stop (though he is also a celebrated author, visual artist and curator). Although music is seen mainly as an activity for youth, for some people it is their main activity (even though it is not lucrative) throughout their life.

 13 Although some needs like school fees are starting to make the cash economy increasingly important.

14 In 2009, according to the National Census, the capital of Port Vila had a population of 44,039, (...)

Unlike in rural areas where life is structured around a subsistence economy,13 the rapidly growing development of the capital Port Vila14 has given rise to such social changes as unemployment, increases in school fees and the cost of living, insalubrious and overcrowded housing, etc. These common consequences of urban development have in recent decades led to the appearance of a certain precariousness characterized by forms of poverty and social fragility in part of the urban population (Mitchell, 2004; Kraemer, 2013).

However, unlike in more “developed” countries (according to capitalist economic norms), poverty in Vanuatu is a highly nuanced concept. Indeed, whether it be the politician Ralph Regenvanu, the writer Paul Tavo or young musicians, many ni-Vanuatu refute the label of “poor country” established by foreign criteria. They base this on an assumption of abundance, asserting that in their country there are no homeless people thanks to family support structures, no famine and constitutionally inalienable access to ancestral lands that anyone can use should their urban situation become too precarious. Kraemer (2013: 81-86) however calls into question this notion of universal rights to family land in the everyday life of second or third generations residing in town, particularly in the case of the young who express their marginalization not only with regard to the urban elites but also concerning this access to their ancestral lands.

18The young people concerned in this paper are mostly males (because the urban music scene in Port Vila is predominantly masculine) and most of them are from second and sometimes even third generations of migrants from the rural areas of Vanuatu islands. Many of them have no fixed income, although they have access to other kinds of activities paid for in various forms (cash, services, meals, cigarettes, kava, alcohol, cannabis, etc.). Most of them live off the incomes of their extended families with whom they live, often without such basic services as water, electricity, sanitation, and paved roads. However there are a very small number of musicians who are from emerging middle-class families and/or have a steady paid job.

While the difficult living conditions of these young people have already been noted (Mitchell, 2004; Lindstrom, 2011; Kraemer, 2013; Wittersheim and Dussy, 2013), in recent years an important new factor has appeared: a particular kind of hunger influenced by contemporary perspectives of masculinity. This hunger is closely connected to urbanization, its monetary system, social organization and marginalization of youth - particularly young boys because of the public nature of their everyday lives. Urban girls and children are not affected by this phenomenon to the same extent, as their lives are structured more domestically, in and around the home and the preparation of food. For young urban boys, finding food is difficult.

[…]

More and more, increasingly younger boys are taking daily refuge in the streets, among their peers and in the “ghetto”, often returning home very late at night. Thus, young boys in different areas of the town are building special places for themselves where they can gather together, storian (talk), eat and find refuge if they encounter problems. They call these makeshift shelters (an abandoned house, a shed built from local natural materials or sheets of corrugated iron), “ghettos”, a name probably taken from reggae songs even if its meaning is totally different from that of the Jamaican ghettos called shanty towns or those of big American cities like New York:

“ahhh, ghetto is, today in Vanuatu…for me, ghetto is a little house or a place where boys, boys and girls get together, everyday to smoke or chat (stori). To enjoy their day in the ghetto.” (Interview with Tio Masing, Koncerners Band, 1 November 2012)

Young boys have thus created their own spaces. Though Tio speaks about ghettos as mixed spaces, for boys and girls, in reality, they are mostly used by young boys. According to testimonies gathered, many districts have their own ghettos visited by the local young. Though some of them have names like Ohlen Hole, 95 Colombia, Dark Kona (“Dark Corner”), Waet Kona (“White Corner”), 74 Dark Street, Cornwall Street, or Grass House, most of them are just called the “ghetto”. Although they are not frequented only by “artists”, these are privileged places to meet, talk, and exchange. They are sites of mutual inspiration and influences, places in which to create something together. It is also here that they often articulate their experience of marginalization.

[…]

Creating musicians’ networks

[…]

The young people of Port Vila, particularly those born in the city, are becoming increasingly detached from their parents’ island of origin, customary life and sometimes even family networks (Kraemer, 2013). Young boys are building their own exchange networks around cigarettes, alcohol, cannabis, but also for some of them church activities, internet or associative activities and musical practices.

Today in Port Vila there are many different kinds of music: Christian choirs, string bands with falsetto male voices accompanied by string instruments, “traditional” dance and music,20 and pop music dominated by the reggae style. Each of these genres creates its own networks, as evidenced, for example, by the organization of Fest’Napuan in which separate days managed by different people from the festival committee are devoted to string band, pop and religious music respectively. Even if there may sometimes be bridges formed between different musical styles, music practices, like other leisure activities (Wittersheim, 2014: 140), have the power to generate a sense of belonging and differentiation.

I suggest that music is one of the ways through which young people in Vanuatu imagine their own new networks and communities. How important is this “reggae community” myth in Port Vila? If young people believe that reggae culture connects them to Jamaica and African reggae communities, does this help them to construct a local reggae community across or beyond those more familiar Melanesian social norms such as family and island of origin?21

22 People in Vanuatu are used to speaking about people from outside cities as « islanders » as opposed (...)

When islanders22 first started migrating to Port Vila they chose to settle according to their island of origin. As the city expanded and after years of migrations, intermarriages took place and some settlements became increasingly mixed with people originating from different islands (Lindstrom, 2011: 257; Kraemer, 2013).

Today urban identifications appear to have altered. While Wittersheim (2006: 68) described a transfer of identification from island of origin to province23 of origin, it would seem now that island or province of origin is not always a crucial factor. It can be replaced or enriched with that of the city area of residence (Kraemer, 2013) or, as we will see, regardless of origin or living place, by leisure or artistic practices. As Lind (2012: 23) states when analysing the case of the Veanu string band, this urban social mix is reflected by music in which can be read not only kinship relations, but also social relationships based on a sharing of the same musical taste. Thus, for instance, the most famous reggae band of the early 2000s, Naio, brought together young boys from the same island in the south of the archipelago, Tanna. By contrast, many members of today's reggae groups come from different islands of origin and, though they may sometimes be from the same city areas, this is not always the case.

In addition, Vanuatu is a Christian country and for a long time the church has also been a factor in community building. It is in the new churches that some people find answers, fill gaps or appease their dissatisfaction with how the country is governed by politicians (Eriksen, 2009: 78, 79). However, some young boys are very critical of the church... Some of these young people are therefore looking for new opportunities to develop networks outside their family and church membership, and music offers them this possibility.

For music enables the creation of new networks. A band is often experienced as a second family, with new networks of close or more distant friends: sound engineers, members of other bands and music associations. In my own experience of playing in the local band, we all became a family and were connected not only by the pleasure of playing music together, by obligations linked to our music activities (rehearsals, performances, organisation, etc.) but also by our presence and support in each other’s important life events outside music: the birth of a baby, marriage and death ceremonies, illness, etc. While our band formed something like a close family, our own networks, friends and families, along with other musicians or local music activists became an extended family for all of us. Thus, family, island or even city district of origin and relations with neighbours can be replaced or enriched by social networks and friendships created through music activities.

In Port Vila, music is what connects musicians and the different actors of the music world and enables the exchange of various services. Musicians exchange performances and musical entertainment at fund-raising events, borrow each other’s sound equipment and musical instruments, circulate digital recordings or share the stage at public shows. Musicians and music lovers form an active and reactive community with influence on the city. I have developed elsewhere the idea that, via digital technologies, music in Port Vila circulates through its own networks outside the official music industry market (Stern, 2014). Because most young people have no leisure budget, they acquire their music (in the form of MP3 or MP4 files, mostly on their mobile phones) for free, through their networks, unaware of any copyright system.

Technologies such as mobile phones or Internet facilitate the creation and communication of these new networks. Mobile phones enable easy communication for gatherings (for example, rehearsals or meetings). The Internet is itself a space for exchanges and the creation of networks via different discussion groups or forums, which can then be extended even beyond the country. Thereby the “myth” of a musical community is continuously reactualized and is omnipresent in the construction and transformation of new forms of sociability in Port Vila. Other kinds of events allow the creation of more structured networks: music festivals, associations and youth centres.

Institutionalizations: music festivals, studios, associations

[…]

In the 90s, two major events were created: la Fête de la Musique introduced in Vanuatu by the Alliance Française and Fest’Napuan, an annual national music festival (which also made a public access rehearsal studio available). The same period saw the emergence of ngos like Wan Smolbag Theatre (http://visit.wansmolbag.org/​) and Further Arts (http://www.furtherarts.org/​) that were closely involved in the development of musical practices. These associations provided musical instruments, classes and rehearsal studios, thus making music more accessible to young people. The number of local bands increased significantly during the 2000s, as did the development of digital technologies, recordings and home studios.

The Fest’Napuan festival, which is generally a great success and has a very good public image, nevertheless at times provokes accusations of causing problems and violence. The association’s work is then to neutralize those aspects considered negative and to nurture those seen as positive. Fest’Napuan thus has its own rules. For example, the association has forbidden the sale of alcohol on the festival site and provides its own security service.25 This desire of associations to neutralize the “bad” sides of youth through art is also reflected in the development of a discourse about musicians, or more generally artists, having a duty to set a good example.

For musicians, playing in big festivals like Fest’Napuan or the Fête de la Musique, releasing an album or having the opportunity to go on an international tour affords them a certain power of expression and also enhances their image in the eyes of their community. Appearing in public gives musicians a sense of responsibility. A lot of musicians told me that they have to set an example because they appear in public and then everyone watches them in their everyday life. The creation of associations which support musical activities provides informal musicians’ networks with a space and the possibility to be more organized and structured and offers musicians the opportunity for their voices to be heard more widely.

Music as the political voice of youth

26 Even if today we hear a few committed songs in string band music too, they remain a minority.

According to several Port Vila reggae musicians, they see themselves as strongly committed to creating the country's future, unlike string band musicians whom they consider less committed because of their songs’ lyrics which are mostly about love and women.26 For many of these musicians, music is the only form of expression for conveying messages.

“Music is a part of life […] it’s a kind of civil resistance, you play music to get a message over. […] When you preach by talking, it’s difficult to get people to listen to you, so it’s better to use music. And civil resistance comes mainly from young people who find it difficult to get into the official system. Our economic system excludes many young people because they don’t have sufficient school education, so when they need to assert themselves the only way to be heard by those inside the system is through music. So the young from outside the system, if they know how to play music, can make themselves heard by those inside the system.” (Interview with Lopez Adams, Ants in Tokyo band, 6 November 2012)”…

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Visitor comments are welcome.

Tuesday, March 29, 2022

Introduction to Melanesia And The Melanesian Nation Of Vanuatu (information & five videos)



Rove & Beyond,Jan 14, 2020

Our latest travel film "DEAR NEIGHBOUR" takes you on a personal journey through Vanuatu's most remote Islands & tribes in a trip organised by Vanuatu Tourism. Vanuatu had everything we could wish for: beautiful & welcoming locals, stunning & diverse landscapes, amazing adventures and an abundance of emotions. This made for some unique experiences and unforgettable moments, that will forever be cherished and remembered as memories. -snip- Here's one comment from this video's discussion thread:

E L A I Tamani, 2021
"Dear Neighbor,

You've experienced my Vanuatu and loved it for who She is ,and for that we are no longer neighbors ,but Brother and Sister. 💖"

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Edited by Azizi Powell

This pancocojams post presents information Melanesia and the Melanesian nation of Vanuatu and showcases several videos of 
ni-Vanuatu (the people of  Vanuatu).

The content of this post is presented for socio-cultural and educational purposes.

All copyrights remain with their owners.

Thanks to all those who are quoted in this post. Thanks to all those who are featured in these videos and thanks to the publishers of these videos on YouTube.
-snip-
This is part of an ongoing post about Vanuatu. Click the links found below for previous and subsequent posts on this subject.

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INFORMATION ABOUT MELANESIA
From 
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Melanesia
"Melanesia … is a subregion of Oceania in the southwestern Pacific Ocean. It extends from New Guinea in the west to Tonga in the east, and includes the Arafura Sea and a few thousand islands.

The region includes the four independent countries of Fiji, Vanuatu, the Solomon Islands, and Papua New Guinea. It also includes the French colonial collectivity of New Caledonia and parts of Indonesia – notably the provinces of Papua and West Papua. Almost all of the region is in the Southern Hemisphere; only a few small islands that aren't politically considered part of Oceania—specifically the northwestern islands of Western New Guinea—lie in the Northern Hemisphere.

The name Melanesia (in French, Mélanésie) was first used in 1832 by French navigator Jules Dumont d'Urville: he coined the terms Melanesia and Micronesia along the preexisting Polynesia to designate what he viewed as the three main ethnic and geographical regions forming the Pacific.

Etymology and name ambiguity

The name Melanesia, from Greek μέλας, black, and νῆσος, island, etymologically means "islands of black [people]", in reference to the dark skin of the inhabitants.

The concept among Europeans of Melanesia as a distinct region evolved gradually over time as their expeditions mapped and explored the Pacific. Early European explorers noted the physical differences among groups of Pacific Islanders. In 1756, Charles de Brosses theorized that there was an "old black race" in the Pacific who had been conquered or defeated by the peoples of what is now called Polynesia, whom he distinguished as having lighter skin.[1]: 189–190  In the first half of the nineteenth century, Jean Baptiste Bory de Saint-Vincent and Jules Dumont d'Urville characterized Melanesians as a distinct racial group.[2][3] : 165 

Over time, however, Europeans increasingly viewed Melanesians as a distinct cultural, rather than racial, grouping. Scholars and other commentators disagreed on the boundaries of Melanesia, descriptions of which were therefore somewhat fluid. In the nineteenth century, Robert Henry Codrington, a British missionary, produced a series of monographs on "the Melanesians," based on his long-time residence in the region. In his published works on Melanesia, including The Melanesian Languages (1885) and The Melanesians: Studies in Their Anthropology and Folk-lore (1891), Codrington defined Melanesia as including Vanuatu, Solomon Islands, New Caledonia, and Fiji. He reasoned that the islands of New Guinea should not be included because only some of its people were Melanesians. Also, like Bory de Saint-Vincent, he excluded Australia from Melanesia.[4]: 528  It was in these works that Codrington introduced the Melanesian cultural concept of mana to the West.

Uncertainty about the best way to delineate and define the region continues to this day. The scholarly consensus now includes New Guinea within Melanesia. Ann Chowning wrote in her 1977 textbook on Melanesia that there is no general agreement even among anthropologists about the geographical boundaries of Melanesia. Many apply the term only to the smaller islands, excluding New Guinea; Fiji has frequently been treated as an anomalous border region or even assigned wholly to Polynesia; and the people of the Torres Straits Islands are often simply classified as Australian aborigines.[5]: 1 

In 1998, Paul Sillitoe wrote: "It is not easy to define precisely, on geographical, cultural, biological, or any other grounds, where Melanesia ends and the neighbouring regions ... begins".[6]: 1  He ultimately concludes that the region is a historical category which evolved in the nineteenth century from the discoveries made in the Pacific and has been legitimated by use and further research in the region. It covers populations that have a certain linguistic, biological and cultural affinity – a certain ill-defined sameness, which shades off at its margins into difference.[6]: 1 

Both Sillitoe and Chowning include the island of New Guinea in the definition of Melanesia, and both exclude Australia. Most of the peoples of Melanesia live either in politically independent countries, or in areas administered by France, or in a country (West Papua) that currently has an active independence movement. Some have recently embraced the term 'Melanesia' as a source of identity and empowerment. Stephanie Lawson writes that the term has "moved from a term of denigration to one of affirmation, providing a positive basis for contemporary subregional identity as well as a formal organisation".[7]: 14  The author Bernard Narokobi has written that the concept of the "Melanesian Way" as a distinct cultural force could give the people of the region a sense of empowerment. This concept has in fact been used as a force in geopolitics. For instance, when the countries of Vanuatu, the Solomon Islands, Papua New Guinea, and Fiji reached a regional preferential trade agreement, they named it the Melanesian Spearhead Group.

Geography

A distinction is often made between the island of New Guinea and what is known as Island Melanesia, which consists of "the chain of archipelagos, islands, atolls, and reefs forming the outer bounds of the sheltered oval-shaped coral sea".[14]: 5  This includes the Louisiade Archipelago (a part of Papua New Guinea), the Bismarck Archipelago (a part of Papua New Guinea and Solomon Islands), and the Santa Cruz Islands (a part of the country called Solomon Islands). The country of Vanuatu is composed of the New Hebrides island chain (and in the past 'New Hebrides' has also been the name of the political unit located on the islands). New Caledonia is composed of one large island and several smaller chains, including the Loyalty Islands. The nation of Fiji is composed of two main islands, Viti Levu and Vanua Levu, and smaller islands, including the Lau Islands.

The names of islands in Melanesia can be confusing: they have both indigenous and European names. National boundaries sometimes cut across archipelagos. The names of the political units in the region have changed over time, and sometimes have included geographical terms. For example, the island of Makira was once known as San Cristobal, the name given to it by Spanish explorers. It is in the country Solomon Islands, which is a nation-state and not a contiguous archipelago. The border of Papua New Guinea and Solomon Islands separates the island of Bougainville from nearby islands like Choiseul, although Bougainville is geographically part of the chain of islands that includes Choiseul and much of the Solomons.

[…]

Genetic studies

[…]

The frequent occurrence of blond hair among these peoples is due to a specific random mutation, different from the mutation that led to blond hair in peoples indigenous to northern regions of the globe. This is evidence that the genotype and phenotype for blond hair arose at least twice in human history.[16]"...

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INFORMATION ABOUT VANUATU
From 
https://www.britannica.com/place/Vanuatu
"Vanuatu, country in the southwestern Pacific Ocean, consisting of a chain of 13 principal and many smaller islands located about 500 miles (800 km) west of Fiji and 1,100 miles (1,770 km) east of Australia. The islands extend north-south for some 400 miles (650 km) in an irregular Y shape. The Torres Islands are the northernmost group. Southward from the Torres group, the main islands are Vanua Lava and Santa Maria (Gaua) in the Banks Islands group, Espiritu Santo, Aoba (Ambae), Maéwo, Pentecost, Malakula, Ambrym, Épi, Éfaté, Erromango, Tanna, and Anatom. Some 200 miles (320 km) to the southeast of Anatom, two uninhabited islands, Hunter and Matthew, are claimed by both Vanuatu and France (as part of New Caledonia).

[…maps]

Formerly the jointly administered Anglo-French condominium of the New Hebrides, Vanuatu achieved independence in 1980. The name Vanuatu means “Our Land Forever” in many of the locally used Melanesian languages. The capital, largest city, and commercial centre is Port-Vila (Vila), on Éfaté.

[…]

People

The indigenous population, called ni-Vanuatu, is overwhelmingly Melanesian, though some of the outlying islands have Polynesian populations. There are also small minorities of Europeans, Micronesians, Chinese, and Vietnamese. Roughly three-fourths of the population lives in rural areas, but since independence the urban centres of Luganville and Port-Vila have drawn a significant number of people attracted by better opportunities. More than 100 local Melanesian languages and dialects are spoken; Bislama, an English-based Melanesian pidgin, is the national language and, along with English and French, is one of three official languages.”…

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ADDITIONAL YOUTUBE VIDEOS
With the exception of the first embedded video, the videos in this post are given in chronological order and are numbered for referencing purposes only. 

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SHOWCASE VIDEO #2: 
market port vila



atoll21, Feb 27, 2010

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SHOWCASE VIDEO #3: 
The people of Vanuatu

 

VIPictures, Jan 13, 2017

Meet the welcoming, warm people of Efate, Vanuatu

[...]

Song: Jah Love Is Evermore

Artist: Stan & the Earth Force

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SHOWCASE VIDEO #4: 
Walking Around Port Vila In Vanuatu



aroundtheentireworld, 
, July 2018

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SHOWCASE VIDEO #5: Vanuatu's 40th Independence Celebrations at Pacific Adventist University, 2020



ReelNesian, Jan 14, 2021

Music by: Naio Band of Vanuatu - Long God Yumi Stanap **** Thanks for visiting pancocojams. Visitor comments are welcome.

Friday, March 19, 2021

What Does AAPI Mean? (with information about Micronesia. Melanesia, And Polynesia)

Edited by Azizi Powell

Latest revision: March 29, 2022

This pancocojams post provides information about the abbreviation "AAPI" and provides general information about Micronesia, Melanesia, and Polynesia.

The content of this post is presented for cultural and educational purposes.

All copyrights remain with their owners.

Thanks to all those who are quoted in this post.
  
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PANCOCOJAMS EDITOR'S NOTE
I was motivated to search for information about Micronesia after looking up the meaning of the abbreviation "AAPI" (Asian American Pacific Islanders"). I looked up that abbreviation after reading recent newspaper articles about the huge rise in violent assaults on AAPi in the United States. Here's a link to a pancocojams post that I wrote about that topic:
https://pancocojams.blogspot.com/2021/03/article-excerpt-tweets-about-three.html "
Article Excerpt & Tweets About Three Asian Spas Targeted & Eight People Killed In Atlanta, Georgia (March 16, 2021)" .

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WHAT DOES "AAPI MEAN?
"AAPi" is an abbreviation for "Asian Americans And Pacific Islanders".

Here's an excerpt from https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Asian_Americans
"
Asian Americans are Americans of Asian ancestry. The term refers to a panethnic group in the United States with origins from East Asia, Indian subcontinent, or Southeast Asia, as defined by the United States Census Bureau.[4] This includes people who indicate their race(s) on the census as "Asian" or reported entries such as "Chinese, Filipino, Indian, Japanese, Korean, Vietnamese, and Other Asian".[5] In modern times, this term excludes Americans with ethnic origins in other parts of Asia, such as West Asia, who are now considered Middle Eastern Americans and thus, are classified as "White Americans".[6][7] In 2018, Asian Americans comprised 5.4% of the U.S. population; including multiracial Asian Americans, that percentage increases to 6.5%.[8]"...

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WHAT DOES PACIFIC ISLANDER MEAN?
From https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Pacific_Islander#:~:text=Pacific%20Islanders%2C%20Pasifika%2C%20or%20Pasefika,%2C%20Melanesia%2C%20and%20Polynesia).
"Pacific Islanders, Pasifika, or Pasefika, are the peoples of the Pacific Islands. It is a geographic and ethnic/racial term to describe the inhabitants and diaspora of any of the three major sub-regions of Oceania (Micronesia, Melanesia, and Polynesia). It is also sometimes used to describe inhabitants of the Pacific islands (i.e. citizens of Pacific states who are of Asian and European descent who call the Pacific their home).

[...]

The Pacific islands consist of three main regions:

Polynesia

The islands are scattered across a triangle covering the east-central region of the Pacific Ocean. The triangle is bound by the Hawaiian Islands in the north, New Zealand in the west, and Easter Island in the east. The rest of Polynesia includes the Samoan islands (American Samoa and Western Samoa), the Cook Islands, French Polynesia (Tahiti and The Society Islands, Marquesas Islands, Austral Islands, and the Tuamotu Archipelago), Niue Island, Tokelau and Tuvalu, Tonga, Wallis and Futuna, Rotuma Island, Pitcairn Island, Nukuoro, and Kapingamarangi.

Melanesia

The island of New Guinea, the Bismarck and Louisiade archipelagos, the Admiralty Islands, Bougainville Island, Papua New Guinea, Western New Guinea (part of Indonesia), Aru Islands, Kei Islands, the Solomon Islands, the Santa Cruz Islands (part of the Solomon Islands), New Caledonia and Loyalty Islands, Vanuatu (formerly New Hebrides), Fiji, Norfolk Island and various smaller islands.

Micronesia

Kiribati, Nauru, the Marianas (Guam and the Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands), the Republic of the Marshall Islands, Palau, and the Federated States of Micronesia (Yap, Chuuk, Pohnpei, and Kosrae, all in the Caroline Islands).

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INFORMATION ABOUT MICRONESIA
From http://www.visit-micronesia.fm/about/index.html
"About the Federated States of Micronesia

Geography

The Federated States of Micronesia (FSM) is a grouping of 607 small islands in the Western Pacific about 2,500 miles southwest of Hawaii, lying just above the Equator. Generally speaking, the FSM comprises what is known as the Western and Eastern Caroline Islands.

While the country's total land area amounts to only 270.8 square miles, it occupies more than one million square miles of the Pacific Ocean, and ranges 1,700 miles from West (Yap) to East (Kosrae) . Each of the four States centers around one or more "high islands," and all but Kosrae include numerous atolls.

Yap State is made up of 4 large islands, 7 small islands and 134 atolls, with a total land area of 45.6 square miles. Chuuk State has a total land area of 49.2 square miles and includes seven major island groups. Pohnpei State has 133.4 square miles of land area, of which 130 is accounted for by Pohnpei island, the largest in FSM. Kosrae is essentially one high island of 42.3 square miles.

[…]

Language

English is the official language of the government and of commerce.

Eight major indigenous languages spoken: Yapese, Ulithian, Woleaians, Chuukese, Pohnpeians, Kosraeans, Nukuoro, Kapingamarangi.

Many elderly people are fluent in Japanese.

[…]

People

The people of the FSM are classified as Micronesians, although some inhabitants of Pohnpei State are of Polynesian origin. They are actually a heterogeneous mixture with different customs and traditions bound together by recent history and common aspiration.

The cultural diversity is typified by the existence of eight major indigenous languages, although English remains the official language of commerce. The cultural similarities are indicated by the importance of traditional extended family and clan systems found on each island.

Each of the State has developed unique cultural characteristics which are important to the potential outsiders especially those interested in visiting or investing in the islands. In Kosrae State, the Congregational Church plays an extremely important role in everyday life while in Chuuk, clan relationships remain an important factor. Yap continues as the most traditional society in the FSM with a strong caste system.

Over the last 15 years Pohnpei has rapidly developed as the most westernized state in the nation. This results in large part because the national government is located here. At the same time, traditional leadership continues to play an important role.

Over much of the last 40 years, the growth rate of population in the FSM has exceeded 3% per annum and the current rate of national increase remains high. However, since the Compact of Free Association was signed out-migration of about 2% of the population occurs each year, effectively lowering the growth rate to about 1%.

The population structure is heavily weighted in favor of the youth, and it is expected that the 15-24 age group will account for 50% of the population increase in this decade.

Culture

The people of the FSM are culturally and linguistically Micronesian, with a small number of Polynesians living primarily on Nukuoro and Kapingamarangi atolls of Pohnpei State. The influence of European and Japanese contacts is also seen.

It can be said that each of the four States exhibits its own distinct culture and tradition, but there are also common cultural and economic bonds that are centuries old. For example, cultural similarities are evidenced in the importance of the traditional extended family and clan systems found on each island.

Although united as a country, the people are actually a heterogeneous mixture with different customs and traditions bound together by recent history and common aspirations. The cultural diversity is typified by the existence of eight major indigenous languages, and its peoples continue to maintain strong traditions, folklore and legends.

The four states of the FSM are separated by large expanses of water. Prior to Western contact, this isolation led to the development of unique traditions, customs and language on each of the islands.

English is the official language, and there are eight major indigenous languages of the Malayo-Polynesian linguistic family spoken in the FSM: Yapese, Ulithian, Woleaian, Chuukese, Pohnpeian, Kosraean, Nukuoro, and Kapingamarangi.

There is a rich oral history. Part of this history is a unique musical heritage. The traditional music is carried forward from generation to generation, although upon tuning into the local radio station the visitor is far more likely to hear the distinctive sounds of Micronesian pop music, which has also developed its own character from state to state. Influenced obviously by traditional music, the FSM's pop music also draws from influences as diverse as American country and western, reggae, and modern europop.”…

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INFORMATION ABOUT MELANESIA
From https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Melanesians
"Melanesians are the predominant and indigenous inhabitants of Melanesia, in a wide area from Maluku Islands and New Guinea to as far east as the islands of Vanuatu and Fiji. Most speak either one of the many languages of the Austronesian language family, especially ones in the Oceanic branch, or from one of the many unrelated families of Papuan languages. Other languages are the several creoles of the region, such as Tok Pisin, Hiri Motu, Solomon Islands Pijin, Bislama, and Papuan Malay.[1]

 A 2011 survey found that 92.1% of Melanesians are Christians.[2]

[...]

a 2008 study, which was based on genome scans and evaluation of more than 800 genetic markers among a wide variety of Pacific peoples... found that neither Polynesians nor Micronesians have much genetic relation to Melanesians. Both groups are strongly related genetically to East Asians, particularly Taiwanese aborigines.[4] It appeared that, having developed their sailing outrigger canoes, the ancestors of the Polynesians migrated from East Asia, moved through the Melanesian area quickly on their way, and kept going to eastern areas, where they settled. They left little genetic evidence in Melanesia, "and only intermixed to a very modest degree with the indigenous populations there".[7] Nevertheless, the study still found a small Austronesian genetic signature (below 20%) in less than half of the Melanesian groups who speak Austronesian languages, and which was entirely absent in the Papuan-speaking groups.[4][7]

The study found a high rate of genetic differentiation and diversity among the groups living within the Melanesian islands, with the peoples not only distinguished between the islands, but also by the languages, topography, and size of an island. Such diversity developed over the tens of thousands of years since initial settlement, as well as after the more recent arrival of Polynesian ancestors at the islands. Papuan-speaking groups in particular were found to be the most differentiated, while Austronesian-speaking groups along the coastlines were more intermixed.[4][7]

[...]

Melanesians of some islands are one of the few non-European peoples, and the only dark-skinned group of people outside Australia, known to have blond hair. The blonde trait developed via the TYRP1 gene, which is not the same gene that causes blondness in European blonds.[10]

History of classification

Early European explorers noted the physical differences among groups of Pacific Islanders. In 1756 Charles de Brosses theorized that there was an 'old black race' in the Pacific who were conquered or defeated by the peoples of what is now called Polynesia, whom he distinguished as having lighter skin.[11]:189–190 By 1825 Jean Baptiste Bory de Saint-Vincent developed a more elaborate, 15-race model of human diversity.[12] He described the inhabitants of modern-day Melanesia as Mélaniens, a distinct racial group from the Australian and Neptunian (i.e. Polynesian) races surrounding them.[11]:178

[...]

Melanesian areas of Oceania

The predominantly Melanesian areas of Oceania include parts of the Maluku Islands (Moluccas) of Eastern Indonesia, East Nusa Tenggara, New Guinea and surrounding islands, the Solomon Islands, Vanuatu and Fiji. New Caledonia and nearby Loyalty Islands for most of their history have had a majority Melanesian population, but the proportion has dropped to 43% in the face of modern immigration.[24]

The largest and most populous Melanesian country is Papua New Guinea. The largest city in Melanesia is Port Moresby in Papua New Guinea with about 318,000 people, mostly of Melanesian ancestry.[25]

In Australia, the total population of Torres Strait Islanders, a Melanesian people, as of 30 June 2016, was about 38,700 identifying as being of Torres Strait Islander origin only, and 32,200 of both Aboriginal Australian and Torres Strait Islander origin (a total of 70,900).[26]"...

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INFORMATION ABOUT POLYNESIA
From https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Polynesia
"Polynesia ... is a subregion of Oceania, made up of more than 1,000 islands scattered over the central and southern Pacific Ocean. The indigenous people who inhabit the islands of Polynesia are called Polynesians. They have many things in common, including language relatedness, cultural practices, and traditional beliefs.[1] In centuries past, they had a strong shared tradition of sailing and using stars to navigate at night. The largest country in Polynesia is New Zealand.

The term Polynésie was first used in 1756 by the French writer Charles de Brosses, who originally applied it to all the islands of the Pacific. In 1831, Jules Dumont d'Urville proposed a narrower definition during a lecture at the Geographical Society of Paris. By tradition, the islands located in the southern Pacific have also often been called the South Sea Islands,[2] and their inhabitants have been called South Sea Islanders. The Hawaiian Islands have often been considered to be part of the South Sea Islands because of their relative proximity to the southern Pacific islands, even though they are in fact located in the North Pacific. Another term in use, which avoids this inconsistency, is “the Polynesian Triangle” (from the shape created by the layout of the islands in the Pacific Ocean). This term makes clear that the grouping includes the Hawaiian Islands, which are located at the northern vertex of the referenced “triangle.

[...]

Island groups
The following are the islands and island groups, either nations or overseas territories of former colonial powers, that are of native Polynesian culture or where archaeological evidence indicates Polynesian settlement in the past.[3] Some islands of Polynesian origin are outside the general triangle that geographically defines the region.

American Samoa - Unincorporated and unorganized territory of the United States; self-governing under supervision of the Office of Insular Affairs

Cook Islands - Self-governing state in free association with New Zealand

Easter Island - Province and special territory of Chile

French Polynesia - Overseas country of France

Hawaii - U.S. state

New Zealand - Sovereign state

Niue - Self-governing state in free association with New Zealand

Norfolk Island - External Territory of Australia

Pitcairn Islands - British Overseas Territory

Rotuma Rotuma - Fijian dependency

Samoa - Sovereign state

Tokelau - Dependent territory of New Zealand

Tonga -  Sovereign state

Tuvalu- Sovereign state

Wallis and Futuna - Overseas collectivity of France"

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Visitor comments are welcome.