Edited by Azizi Powell
This pancocojams post presents excerpts from four online sources that can serve as an introduction to the terms "South Asian" and "Desi". This post also presents an excerpt of a journal article about skin color referents for South Asian/Desi people.
The content of this post is presented for socio-cultural purposes.
These excerpts are given with the hope that visitors will read the entire articles.
All copyrights remain with their owners.
Thanks to all those who are quoted in this post.
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Click https://pancocojams.blogspot.com/2023/10/dougla-other-referents-in-caribbean-for.html for a related pancocojams post entitled ""Dougla" & Other Referents In The Caribbean For African-South Asian People".
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ARTICLE EXCERPTS
These excerpts are numbered for referencing purposes only.
ARTICLE EXCERPT #1
From https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/South_Asia
"South Asia is the southern subregion of Asia, which is
defined in both geographical and ethnic-cultural terms. As commonly
conceptualized, South Asia consists of the countries Afghanistan,[7]
Bangladesh, Bhutan, India, Maldives, Nepal, Pakistan, and Sri Lanka.[8]
There is no clear boundary – geographical, geopolitical,
socio-cultural, economical, or historical – between South Asia and other parts
of Asia, especially Southeast Asia and West Asia.[22]
The common definition of South Asia is largely inherited
from the administrative boundaries of the Indian Empire,[23] with several
exceptions. The current territories of Bangladesh, India, and Pakistan which
were the core territories of the British Empire from 1857 to 1947 also form the
core territories of South Asia.[24][25] The mountain countries of Nepal and
Bhutan, two independent countries that were not under the British Raj but were
protectorates of the Empire,[26] and the island countries of Sri Lanka and
Maldives are generally included. By various definitions based on substantially
different reasons, the British Indian Ocean Territory and the Tibet Autonomous
Region may be included as well.[27][28][29][30][31][32][33] Myanmar (Burma), a
former British colony and now largely considered a part of Southeast Asia, is
also sometimes included.[17][19][34] Afghanistan is also included by some
sources.[17][19][35][36]"...
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ARTICLE EXCERPT #2
From https://www.nbcnews.com/news/asian-america/brown-desi-south-asian-diaspora-reflects-terms-represent-erase-rcna1886 Brown, Desi, South Asian: Diaspora reflects on the terms
that represent, erase them
“They each have a place, but they don’t entirely encompass
each of the others,” one activist said.
Oct. 6, 2021,By Sakshi Venkatraman
"Over the last several decades, the diaspora of the Indian
subcontinent has been labeled, relabeled and lumped together too many times to
count. Indian and Pakistani immigrants were known as “Black” in 1980’s United
Kingdom. The U.S. census classified them as “white” in 1970, and a host of
transnational solidarity movements have cycled them through lengthy acronyms
and broad umbrella terms.
[…]
Meant to encompass people with roots in Afghanistan,
Bangladesh, Bhutan, India, Nepal, Pakistan, Sri Lanka and the Maldives (and
within each country tons of distinct languages and cultures), the term “South
Asian” was introduced in transnational movements in the ’80s.
Indo-Caribbeans and the diasporas in East Africa were also
ushered into the movement and are now considered part of the label, Maira said.
“South Asian,” “brown” and “Desi” are three that are
dominant today. For some, they’re apt names to describe inherently similar
cultures and a connected history. Others say they paint over a vast array of
peoples who make up the subcontinent and its diasporas. Erasure is rampant,
some say, and it happens inside “South Asian” circles as much as outside them.
The debate has raged online for years — when referring to the diaspora, should we be as specific as possible or as inclusive as possible? And is there a way to do both?
The three terms sometimes don’t do what they were intended to, experts say, and it’s important to note that they don’t always mean the same thing.
[…]
Denali Nalamalapu, 26, who is South Indian American, said
“South Asian” isn’t a single identity. When she describes herself or others,
she likes to be regionally specific so everyone feels their backgrounds are
being fully acknowledged.
Saying she’s from Andhra Pradesh, the state in India from
which her family originates, might go over some people’s heads, she said. So
when she is asked about her background, she tends to identify herself as “South
Indian,” and that feels both holistic and distinct.
Nalamalapu said she thinks those in the U.S. also tend to
recognize only North Indian culture when they think about South Asians.
“They’re like, ‘What’s your favorite Bollywood movie?’” she said. “I don’t
watch Bollywood. I watch Telugu movies or Tamil movies.”....
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ARTICLE EXCERPT #3
From https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Desi
"Desi…is a loose term used to describe the people, cultures,
and products of the Indian subcontinent and their diaspora,[3] derived from
Sanskrit देश (deśá),
meaning "land, country".[4] Desi traces its origin to the people of
India, Pakistan and Bangladesh,[c][1] and may also include people from Sri
Lanka, Nepal, the Maldives and Bhutan.[5][6][7]
Usage
The word Desi is widely used by South Asians, as well those
of the South Asian diaspora, to describe themselves; those of South Asian
origin, especially Indians, Pakistanis and Bangladeshis, use the term "as
a means of asserting or reclaiming a sense of pride" in being South Asian,
"particularly in the face of racism, discrimination, and
stigmatization" of minorities in various parts of the world.[8] With
regard to usage of the word Desi, Helen Kim writes:[8]
'Desiness imagines a more conhesive, pan-South Asian American community that goes beyond nation, class, and religion. Instead, a 'desi' South Asian American community comes together over its shared experiences of being positioned as non-White 'others', often cutting across differences in caste, class, religion, and gender. In the UK, the term 'desi' is commonly used to describe British [South] Asian forms of cultural production such as music, literature, and television programming. For example, shows such as Desi DNA, featured on the BBC and BBC Asian Network, cover all areas of current British [South] Asian popular culture such as film, music, and the visual arts, including fashion and style. Club nights that feature [South] Asian music such as bhangra and [South Asian] hip hop, as previously mentioned, are often billed as 'desi' nights. The Internet radio station DesiHits.com, rivaling the BBC Asian Network in cultural significance as well as in the number of young [South] Asian listeners, plays all the current [South] Asian hits, which allows one to browse online by artist and by genre, listing them under categories such as 'desi beats', 'Bollywood', and 'hip hop'.[8]
Among teenagers who have ancestral roots in the Indian subcontinent, the term Desi is "embraced to elucidate a new inclusive identity of South Asians in the USA, who participate as 'public consumers and producers of a distinctive, widely circulating cultural and linguistic forms'."[9] To this end, channels such as MTV Desi have recognized "the transnational nature of Desi youth culture, writers, producers, and VJs" and have shared "a range of topics relating to life in South Asia and the South Asian diaspora worldwide".[10]
"Desi" is sometimes perceived as offensive among some South Asian expatriates,[11] as they claim that it erases the diversity of cultural identities within the South Asian community,[12] and that it primarily identifies the dominant North Indian community while excluding other South Asian groups.[11][13] However, there are those who resist the label, citing historical Indian imperialism and cultural hegemony as reasons for their reluctance.[11] They believe that terms like "Desi" impose a homogenous identity and fail to acknowledge the pluralistic nature of South Asian communities.[13] Alternatives like "South Asian" or "Brown" have been proposed, but they also have their limitations and can be perceived as misleading or exclusive.[13] While some individuals find the term "South Asian" inclusive and encompassing, others feel it does not fully capture their specific backgrounds.[11] The complexity and diversity of the diaspora necessitate recognizing multiple identities and resisting the tendency to homogenize or erase particular communities.[13]
History
The word "Desi" comes from the Sanskrit word "Desh" meaning "country". The word "Desi" is used to refer to something "from the country" and with time its usage shifted more towards referring to people, cultures, and products of a specific region; for example, desi food, desi calendars, and desi dress."...
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ARTICLE EXCERPT #4
From https://scroll.in/global/975071/is-the-term-desi-offensive-some-south-asian-americans-think-so "Is the term ‘Desi’ offensive? Some South Asian Americans
think so
‘Rather than solidarity, Desi feels like an imposition.’
Anisha Sircar, Dec 08, 2020
" "Is the term “Desi” offensive?
Despite its long-standing usage within the South Asian community around the world, over the last few years, many have increasingly stopped using the term.
Some believe that the term “Desi” refers exclusively to Indians and excludes other South Asians. They also claim that it seems to primarily identify a section of dominant, upper-caste Indians, erasing the gamut of other cultural identities.
Desi literally means native of a desh (“country”). In the context of South Asian diasporic communities in the US, it is used colloquially to refer to those of South Asian descent, invoking a pan-ethnic rather than nationally bounded category, according to a paper by Sunaina Maira, a professor of Asian American Studies at the University of California, Davis, and author of a book on South Asian youth culture titled Desis in the House.
Maira believes: “In India, it is sometimes used more pejoratively to index a ‘country-bumpkin’.”
Many prominent figures have joined the debate about how whether the term is an appropriate label for the South Asian diaspora.
Among them is a Mumbai-based man who runs the film-focussed Instagram page “Vintage Desi” anonymously. He said he has received several messages from Indian Americans in recent years for using the term in his handle.
“When I started my page in 2018, I didn’t really think too much about my handle name…” this person said. “But over the last two years, I’ve become more conscious of it and have been thinking of changing it.”
He said he had started the page to use vintage cinema as a way to make cultural theory more accessible.
But after his posts started getting traction, many Indian followers pointed out that the word Desi is “very North Indian”, he said. They drew parallels with the Facebook group “Subtle Curry Traits” that has come into the limelight for its racial stereotypes and largely North Indian, upper-caste representation.
It wasn’t supposed to be this way, this person said: “Desi wasn’t a term that was earlier used by the ‘urbane’ class that identifies with it now.” …
ARTICLE EXCERPT #5
From
WASH. U. GLOBAL STUD. L. REV. 609 (2015),
https://openscholarship.wustl.edu/law_globalstudies/vol14/iss4/9
Washington University Global Studies Law Review
People often use race and color terminology interchangeably in common parlance. When the renowned African American scholar W.E.B. Du Bois stated that “the problem of the twentieth century is the problem of the color line,”1 he was referring to rampant and overt racism faced by African Americans and non-European peoples all over the world. Within the United States, color terminology often dominates racial discourse due to common use of color-based racial designations such as “Black” and “White.” Color is thus often used as a synonym for race,2 but while the two do overlap, color is also distinct from race as colorism is from racism.3 The two are
[page] 610
intertwined, and it can be difficult to tease apart. However, one group that illuminates the distinction between the two is South Asian
Americans—peoples in the United States whose ancestry derives from the
Indian subcontinent.4
South Asian Americans are a group that does not fit neatly within the dominant racial categories of Black and White and have a racially ambiguous identity within the United States.5
This is partly because of the large variety of skin tones within the group. Because South Asian Americans have been classified in various racial categories and vary significantly in skin tone, their experiences can uniquely relay how race is related to color.
Recent events in the media illustrate South Asian American racial ambiguity and color variation. For example, in February 2015, the experiences of South Asian Americans gave new meaning to Michael Jackson’s song, “Black or White.”6 First, Louisiana Governor and 2016 Presidential hopeful Bobby Jindal quipped, “You mean I’m not White?” when asked about a commissioned portrait that depicted him with lightened skin tone.7
Jindal blamed the criticism of his lightened image on the liberals’ obsession with race describing the controversy as “silly” and calling for “the end of race in America.”8
Just one week later in Madison, Alabama, police officers beat and severely injured Sureshbhai Patel–a fifty-seven-year-old immigrant grandfather who had only been in the United States for one week–after a suspicious caller identified him as “a skinny Black guy.”9
These two incidents show that in different contexts, South Asian Americans can be viewed as “Black” or “White.” Other color labels, such as “Brown,” are also sometimes used for South Asian
[page] 611
Americans.10 Contrary to Michael Jackson’s lyrics;11 however, it does matter how South Asian Americans are labeled—or how we
choose to label ourselves.
Such contrasting racial identities are not new for South Asian Americans. Elsewhere, I have written in depth about South Asian American racial ambiguity both in my personal experience,12 and more broadly as part of the history of racial classification in America.13 Building on my recent presentation at the very successful and enlightening Global Perspectives on Colorism conference at Washington University in St. Louis,14 this essay focuses specifically on the role of color in delineating South Asian American racial identities. Race and racism are extremely complex phenomena, and skin color and colorism are only one aspect of racial hierarchy and racialization.15 Nevertheless, color is the most common visual feature and symbol associated with race, and the relationship between the two is revealing–particularly for a group such as South Asian Americans. As noted earlier, South Asian Americans possess a wide range of skin tones, but due to our ambiguous positions in
[page] 612
America’s racial landscape—a venue defined largely by the Black-White paradigm—our experiences complicate the link between race and color in interesting ways. This essay explores how color intersects with other factors—including both local and national politics—to determine the racial characterization of South Asian Americans.
First, Part I briefly examines the relationship between race and color more generally, and asserts that skin color is the primary physical feature associated with race. In many cases, color has become a metaphor for race, but race is a social and political status that involves many dimensions beyond color. Traditionally, racial status has been associated with ancestry, but it has evolved to incorporate many other components often based on stereotypes and other forms of status. This essay further argues that individual actors can make claims to racial statuses, or can have those statuses ascribed on to them by others,16 and that skin color–or in the case of Jindal’s portrait, presentation of one’s skin color–is a part of this process. Color is thus an important component of the social construction of race, but it is by no means solely or even primarily determinative of race. Rather, social and political factors related to the situation and/or local environment play a large role.17
Second, Part II analyzes the role of skin color in the characterization of South Asian Americans as “White.” It takes a historical approach, starting with the racial prerequisite cases—where Whiteness was a legal status necessary for naturalization as a U.S. citizen—and proceeding up to Bobby Jindal’s recent comment and the notion of “honorary Whiteness.”18
This Part examines both claims and ascriptions with respect
to Whiteness, highlighting how skin color has usually not been the
determining factor in whether South Asian Americans were considered to be “White.”
Third, Part III considers skin color in relation to the
characterization of South Asian Americans as “Black.” Ascriptions of Blackness
onto South
[page] 613
Asian Americans can result from misidentification, which may have been the case in the aforementioned incident involving Sureshbhai Patel. Such ascriptions can also serve to denigrate South Asian Americans as the “other”—through association with Black people. This Part examines the role of skin color in such ascriptions, and also in claims to Blackness by South Asian Americans. Although the latter are far less common than claims to Whiteness or ascriptions of Blackness, this Part highlights a recent example: the revelation by Vijay Chokal-Ingam—the relatively dark-skinned brother of Indian-American actress and comedian Mindy Kaling19—that he pretended to be Black on his medical school applications.20 Similar to Whiteness, this Part concludes that, while skin color can play a role in characterizations of South Asian Americans as Black, other factors are more significant.21
Fourth, Part IV considers other color and race-linked identities attributed to South Asian Americans–including “Brown.” This Part illustrates that, for all of these identities, there are facets that are much more significant than skin color.
Finally, the Conclusion discusses implications of the above for understanding race and racism, and also colorism as a phenomenon distinction from racism—one of the important aims of the Global Perspectives on Colorism conference.22"...
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