Online Excerpts About Zionism (A Referent For Some Of The African Independent Christian Churches In Southern Africa) with a video added)

xolani Patrick, Apr 1, 2020

Umlindelo Wephasika 
-snip-
Gwanda is a town in Zimbabwe.

From Google translate Shona (and Zulu) to English: Umlindelo Wephasika =the Passover

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Edited by Azizi Powell

Latest Update- January 17, 2022 12:21 AM EDT

This pancocojams post presents several online excerpts about Zionism (a referent for some of the African Independent Christian Churches in Southern Africa.

This post provides a brief (and therefore very incomplete) description of Zionism in Southern Africa.

This post also provides the only article quotes that I have come across to date about the fast pace walking and/or the circular spinning movement that is done by members of some Southern Africa Zionist churches (and by some of those churches' members who have emigrated to other nations throughout the world). 

The content of this post is presented for historical, religious, and cultural purposes.

All copyrights remain with their owners.

Thanks to the founders, leaders, and all the members of Southern African Zionist churches. Thanks to all those who are quoted in this post and thanks to the publisher of this video on YouTube. 
-snip-
The term "Zionism" has an entirely different meaning than the term "Zionism" that refers to Israel.

Click http://pancocojams.blogspot.com/2016/02/south-african-isikhalanga-wafa-wafa.html for a 2016 pancocojams post in this series that is entitled "South African Zion Churches' XIsikhalanga (Wafa Wafa) Wheeling (Spinning) While Moving Around A Circle."

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ONLINE EXCERPTS ABOUT ZIONISM IN SOUTHERN AFRICA

These excerpts are given in no particular order and are numbered for referencing purposes only.

EXCERPT #1
From https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/African_Zionism
"African Zionism, (also "amaZioni" from Zulu "people of Zion") is a religious movement with 15–18 million members throughout Southern Africa, making it the largest religious movement in the region. It is a combination of Christianity and African traditional religion. Zionism is the predominant religion of Eswatini and forty percent of Swazis consider themselves Zionist. It is also common among Zulus in South Africa. The amaZioni are found in South Africa, Eswatini, Mozambique, Malawi, Zimbabwe, Botswana, and Namibia.[1]"

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EXCERPT #2
From https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Zionist_churches
"Zionist churches are a group of Christian denominations that derive from the Christian Catholic Apostolic Church, which was founded by John Alexander Dowie in Zion, Illinois, at the end of the 19th century. Missionaries from the church came to South Africa in 1904 and among their first recruits were Pieter Louis le Roux and Daniel Nkonyane of Wakkerstroom who continued to evangelize after the Zionist missionaries left in 1908.[1]

History

The Zionist Churches proliferated throughout southern Africa, and became African Independent Churches; research in 1996 suggested that 40% of all black South Africans belonged to a Zionist church.[2]

The Old Cornerstone Apostolic Church in Zion of South Africa, under Archbishop Mawethu Anthwell, had its beliefs grow out of late-nineteenth and early-twentieth religious missions in Southern Africa. In particular the churches owe their origins to the Christian Catholic Apostolic Church of John Alexander Dowie, based in Zion, Illinois in the United States.

[...]

Characteristics of Zionist churches

Zionist churches are characterised by the following features:

-Use of faith-healing and revelation through dreams

-"Jordan" baptism, in rivers

-Ritual garments, often mostly white, and prophetic staffs.

-Food taboos, such as not eating pork.

-Some smaller denominations worship in the open air, and practise "wheel" dances—dancing in circles, sometimes to the beat of drums.

-Some denominations accept polygamy.

-Some denominations show syncretic mixing of Christian and traditional African religious beliefs"

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EXCERPT #3
From https://www.britannica.com/topic/Zionist-church
"Zionist church, any of several prophet-healing groups in southern Africa; they correspond to the independent churches known as Aladura (q.v.) in Nigeria, “spiritual” in Ghana, and “prophet-healing churches” in most other parts of Africa.

The use of the term Zion derives from the Christian Catholic Apostolic Church in Zion, founded in Chicago in 1896 and having missionaries in South Africa by 1904. That church emphasized divine healing, baptism by threefold immersion, and the imminent Second Coming of Christ. Its African members encountered U.S. missionaries of the Apostolic Faith pentecostal church in 1908 and learned that the Zion Church lacked the second Baptism of the Spirit (recognition of extra powers or character); they therefore founded their own pentecostal Zion Apostolic Church. The vast range of independent churches that stem from the original Zion Apostolic Church use in their names the words Zion (or Jerusalem), Apostolic, Pentecostal, Faith, or Holy Spirit to represent their biblical charter, as for example the Christian Catholic Apostolic Holy Spirit Church in Zion of South Africa. These are known in general as Zionists or Spirit Churches.

The churches were introduced into Rhodesia (Zimbabwe) in the 1920s by migrant workers returning from South Africa; endless schisms and new foundations followed. In the mid-1980s the largest was the African Apostolic Church of Johane Maranke, which claimed about 260,000 adherents in Zimbabwe and many others in surrounding countries.

[…]

Zionist churches include the following features: (1) origination from a mandate received by a prophet in a dream, vision, or death-resurrection experience; (2) a chieflike head, often called a bishop, who is succeeded by his son and who is occasionally regarded as a messiah. Women also figure as founders and leaders; (3) security received by the church’s possession of its own holy place, such as a New Jerusalem, Zion, or Moriah City as headquarters; ownership of land in the reserves and sometimes in white areas; organization of farms and other economic activities; (4) healing, through confession, repeated baptisms, purification rites and exorcisms, especially at “Bethesda pools” and “Jordan rivers”; (5) revelation and power from the Holy Spirit through prophetic utterances and pentecostal phenomena; (6) ritualistic and Africanized worship, with special garments and innovative festivals, characterized by singing, dancing, clapping, and drumming; (7) a legalistic and Sabbatarian ethic, which includes taboos against certain foods, beer, and tobacco and which does not admit Western medicines but tolerates polygamy; and (8) repudiation of traditional magic, medicines, divination, and ancestor cults; the Christian replacements for these traditional practices, however, are sometimes similarly used and interpreted."

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EXCERPT #4
From  
http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S2305-445X2020000100011 African zionism and its contribution to African christianity in South Africa

On-line version ISSN 2305-445X

Print version ISSN 0254-1807

Scriptura vol.119 n.1 Stellenbosch  2020

Kelebogile Thomas Resane

Department of Historical & Constructive Theology, University of the Free State

[…]

"The socio-political events: Springboard of Zion Cities

African Zionism is mainly the result of socio-economic changes that were shaping the South African socio-political landscape of the 19th century. After the population migration towards the emerging city centres due to discoveries of diamonds and gold, the African traditional life deteriorated. This escalated especially between the two world wars when African life took a new shape in mine compounds, overcrowded locations, or slum yards (Pretorius and Jafta 1997:217). Industrialisation and urbanisation swelled, dislodging people from their roots and traditions, encouraging Africans to embrace westernisation and Christianity by abandoning their socio-cultural religious roots. This was met with resistance and rebellion in certain quarters. Brown (2005:94) substantiates this:

Gradually this invasion by foreign whites and acculturation pressures, i.e. forcing people to speak English and obey English laws and customs, caused Zulu, Xhosa and other African people to experience psychological stress while their culture was under constant attack. The African response was that crime, alcohol abuse and lawlessness rose to frightening levels due to anomie and normlessness.

The African National Congress (ANC) and the Industrial and Commercial Workers Union engaged religion to address this African social plight. This led to the emergence of Zion City churches, especially in urban areas. These churches branded themselves with the name "Zion" as a symbol of the New Jerusalem. Events in Wakkerstroom and urban centres were dynamic, a new phenomenon was unfolding that influenced Christianity in South Africa on a large scale. For instance, one of the leaders, Daniel Nkonyane "introduced certain elements in worship: white robes, bare feet, holy sticks, and Old Testament symbolism ..." (Pretorius and Jafta 1997:218). These constitute the characteristic features of Zionism today.

In the meantime, the mission churches were flourishing in emerging mining centres like Johannesburg and Kimberley, though with some paternalistic tendencies that contributed to the attitude of supremacy of white missionaries who disregarded the emerging African church leaders. These missionaries were in control of the church governance and polity in all structures and patterned themselves according to Western church polity (Pretorius and Jafta 1997:213). The missionaries collaborated with the government to confiscate land from the indigenous people.

Motlhabi (2008:38) points out that African Initiated Churches' secession from the mainline churches was not just political and economic. It was also theological and cultural, because:

They sought freedom both from 'an oppressive church situation' and 'from deculturizing, de-Africanizing, detribalizing treatment, and reacted...against a foreign, unadapted, western-oriented church which [did] not take note of the African approach and worldview.'

The developments expressed above indicate that Western Christianity was not reaching or fulfilling the deep spiritual needs of Africans. Africans who seceded to form African Zionism needed something spiritually significant. They needed something "emphasizing revivalism that, through the 'African worldview' seeks to address Africans' authentic need for deep spirituality and religiosity" (Akoto-Abutiate 2014:146).

This opens a wide field of research that leads to the contribution of these churches in shaping the current South African socio-cultural space. Much had been done, yet the researched knowledge is still unpublished in the public domain as expressed by Kiernan (1974:80) decades ago:

The view that African Independent Churches are primarily a reaction to White rule is thus a theme which is strongly entrenched in the literature on the subject and represents a respectable body of opinion.

The fact remains that African Zionism or African Independent Churches, and the African traditions or African worldview are irreversibly symbiotic. Theron (1996:14) points out:

The whole of life in its aspects - politics, economy, family relations, marriage, social relations, culture, customs - everything is permeated with this religious world view of the African.

[…]

The contribution of African Zionism to African Christianity

The invaluable contribution of this branch of Christianity is described by Pretorius and Jafta (1997:224-226; Anderson 1992:119-120). These authors elaborate on the role of these African Zionists as a catalyst for the emergence of the new society regarding their political and social impact during the socio-political marginalisation of Africans in South Africa.

The first contribution of African Zionism to Christianity is the preservation and perpetuation of indigeneity. At the heart of Zionism, worship is practised according to cultural style. The songs are in the people's languages, including choreography and general negritude. By negritude is meant "the totality of the black experience - the culture, values, and especially the spirit of black African civilisation" (Coetzee and Roux 2000:450). Africans experience connection with God in different ways than Westerners. As Eastern people, for them worship is emotional - the whole being is involved (body, soul and mind).

God calls for worship that involves our whole being. The body, mind, spirit, and emotions should all be laid on the altar of worship. Often we have forgotten that worship should include the body as well as the mind and spirit. (Foster 1985:147)

Wepener and Barnard (2016:77) detail their experiences at the ZCC worship, describing the mokhukhu (khaki clad men regarded as protectors of the congregation) stamping their feet and jumping simultaneously, resulting in deep sonorous sound accompanied by vibrating ground. The whole body and being is involved in worship. In traditional churches influenced by the West, worship, even through singing, disengages physical expression and rarely invoke emotions. In fact, in Western Christianity emotionality is associated with demonic expression during worship. Pretorius and Jafta (1997:223) remind us that African Christians embrace a livelier and emotional worship with liturgy accompanied by extempore prayers, uniforms, drums, dancing, and symbolic instruments.

Switching on to any African radio station in South Africa, a listener is confronted with Afro Christian music, popularly referred to as Gospel music, such as the IPC choir. They sing traditional hymns with the same lyrics, but with tempos and gusto that synchronise with African rhythms. Realistically, contemporary Afro Gospel music derives its roots and influence from African Zionism. Many mainline churches including the Roman Catholic Church have embraced Afro Gospel music expressions in diverse ways. They have incorporated hand clapping, cushion cymbals, drums (traditional and Western), trumpets (vuvuzelas), ram horns, and bells in their worship in order to assert their African-ness in worship. Foster (1985:147) notes that, "Standing, clapping, dancing, lifting the hands, lifting the head are postures consistent with the spirit of praise." Regardless of all these physical and emotional expressions or instrumentations applied, the bottom line remains: "African Christian music should be theologically sound and African in tune" (Muthengi 1998:259). Thanks to African Zionism!"...

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EXCERPT #5
From https://networks.h-net.org/node/11717/reviews/5034588/bonhomme-cabrita-people%E2%80%99s-zion-southern-africa-united-states-and Bonhomme on Cabrita, 'The People’s Zion: Southern Africa, the United States, and a Transatlantic Faith-Healing Movement'

Author: Joel Cabrita

Reviewer: Edna Bonhomme
"Joel Cabrita’s The People’s Zion: Southern Africa, the United States, and a Transatlantic Faith-Healing Movement is a transnational story about the role new forms of Christianity had in shaping concepts of identity and community among religious believers, as well as the ways racial inequality and segregation transformed in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries

[…]

Zion was founded in the late 1800s by the missionary John Alexander Dowie, a transnational evangelical leader whose movement covered the United States and southern Africa. In all of these contexts it found racially and linguistically diverse communities who approached the faith in different ways. Cabrita is attentive to the significance of these dynamics, and the contrasting social contexts in which the sect was implanted. Christianity was a web of ideology and social and cultural practices that was not exported wholesale from place to place but was transported in the bodies and minds of people. As Christian evangelism shifted from northern European and North American contexts to the southern hemisphere, its new adherents remade the faith in their own image in ways that made sense in their own environments. This allows Cabrita to develop an illuminating comparison between the Zionist movement among Americans in Chicago and black and white believers in southern Africa.

[…]

In chapters 3 and 4 Cabrita explores the significance of Zionist egalitarianism in sections that deal with cosmopolitanism and racial exclusivism. The Zion church in South Africa was a contested terrain for English- and Dutch-speaking settlers who were trying to envision themselves as part of a transnational white community. Johannesburg was home to many evangelical Protestant churches that became sites for the promotion of “racial health” and imperial “white South Africanism” (p. 109). In the first part of the twentieth century, the Zion congregation in Johannesburg eschewed racial integration and maintained apartheid. Zionism began to integrate in South Africa once rural black elites began to be drawn to the cosmopolitan project, but such integration did not lead to material equality. While some white South African Zionists were able to visit Chicago in the early twentieth century, black South Africans did not.

After engaging in a thorough history of the social experience of apartheid in South Africa, chapters 5 and 6 articulate the ways that Zion churches emerged within a growing literate black population in other southern African contexts, especially as they increasingly expressed anti-establishment views. The explosion of churches among the urban middle class and unskilled men happened mostly during the interwar period. At the same time, popular healing practices were also linked to religion, and the Zion movement was “a seamless continuation of indigenous healing therapies” (p. 192). While much is written about Zion’s connection to healing, Cabrita misses an opportunity to further explore the dynamism of indigenous medical practices. Chapter 6 also outlines how the reconfiguration of evangelical churches was driven by inter-Southern African migration as a result of labor demands, particularly in mining. The cosmopolitanism of the Zion church, for black South Africans who came from a variety of ethnic and linguistic groups, elided those differences. This was especially true for black migrants to South Africa. However, perceptions about ethnic differences were not completely erased by participation in the church, where ethnic patriots would sometimes make claims to leadership of their compatriots within the church.

Chapter 7 returns to themes explored at the beginning of the book, outlining the links between the North American and southern African Zion churches. In both contexts, the Bible School and prophecies were central means of galvanizing the congregations. This was mostly achieved by healing prayers. The chapter goes on to explore how Protestants developed a transnational movement that made claims to human equality. At the same time, transnational connections in evangelical Protestantism emerged and were crystalized during a broader imperial project in the latter half of the nineteenth century. Churches functioned as a site for southern Africans to make sense of sickness, health, and healing. Divine healing, too, was an international phenomenon that did not develop in isolation. As Cabrita argues, the development of ideas of divine healing in the Zionist church was part of a global shift in Christian healing therapies. For southern Africans, medical and religious knowledge were co-constituted, mutually reinforcing each other. 

Divine healing practices existed in awkward tension with other forms of Christian religiosity such as Victorian piety, which tended to call for a passive response to sickness. Divine healing, in contrast, allowed believers to find earnest and direct methods for remedy. These in turn could be connected in the believer’s mind with religious faith, such that personal holiness and disease management were closely interlinked.

Zionist advocacy of egalitarianism sometimes fell short of what it might have been. Southern African Zionists did not explicitly challenge apartheid. Leaders went so far as to say that apartheid officials were “God’s servants for your [own] good” (p. 12). Their interventions in, or quiescence in the face of, the political apparatus were paradoxical. "...

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EXCERPT #6
From https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Samuel_Mutendi
"Bishop Samuel Mutendi (c.1880-1976) was the founder of the Zimbabwean breakaway branch of the Zion Christian Church, which under his leadership grew to a membership of 250,000 at his death,[1] and which is believed to be three times larger today[2] and one of the largest religious organizations in the country. As the religious leader responsible for the popularization of Zionist Christianity into Zimbabwe, he is arguably the most influential religious personality in the country's history.

Early Years and Religious Calling

Mutendi was born in the Bikita region of Zimbabwe, apparently to a family descended from the Rozvi royal line.[3] Before the late 1920s he went by his birth name of Samuel Moyo, but later changed it to Mutendi as his stature as a leader was increasing. According to autobiographical sections of his sacred writings, Rungano Rwa Zion Christian Church,[4] Mutendi was born prematurely and was expected to die. The name "Mutendi" is a shortened colloquial reference to his eyes opening after being left for dead by his family members.[5]

Mutendi was literate even though he never attended school. He was taught to read and write by a male relative. In his early adulthood he took a job with the British South Africa Police and was stationed at Chegutu.[6] According to the Rungano, Mutendi was visited by the Angel Gabriel in 1913 at a time when he was not religious. Further visions, especially after 1919, encouraged him to seek a religious path and foretold his rise as a religious leader. In the early 1920s Mutendi quit his police job and returned to Bikita, where he joined the local Dutch Reformed Church mission. Mutendi felt compelled to preach as a layman, but his accounts of his visions and his calls for converts to experience "fire baptism" were unacceptable in the conservative DRC.[7] During this time, three acquaintances of Mutendi's ventured to South Africa as migrant workers, and were converted to Zionist Christianity in the Transvaal. Mutendi then heard of his friends' experiences, and went to South Africa himself with a colleague named Andreas Shoko.[8] During their time in the Transvaal, Mutendi and Shoko were baptized by Engenas Lekganyane.[9]

Around 1923, Mutendi returned to Bikita as a ZCC member and began preaching. In early 1925 was part of a delegation that unsuccessfully sought to register the church with the South African government.[10] Following the secession, Mutendi led the Zimbabwean branch of the ZCC until his death fifty years later.

[...]

The Growth of the Zion Christian Church in Zimbabwe

Mutendi's new church faced considerable difficulties in its first decade or two. Due to the system of indirect rule, it was opposed by both the White authorities and the chiefs who they ruled the reserves through.[12] Mutendi was unable to register the church in his own country, and faced considerable persecution during his evangelizing tours. According to the Rungano, many of his adherents' churches and schools were burned down, while he was arrested and imprisoned on numerous occasions.[13] In some areas his followers were forced to conduct their services in secret in places such as caves.

Over time Mutendi's reputation as a faith healer, rain maker, and a man of immense spiritual power grew. He walked around with a large entourage that proclaimed his deeds. During his itinerant tours, Mutendi carried a "spriritual rod" named "Mapumhangozi" that was supposedly blessed by Engenas Lekganyane.[14] This rod was used to heal the sick and to effectuate other miracles. Due to these successes Mutendi was able to win the support of a number of chiefs and thus to begin operating more in the open without fear of arrest. Eventually, after years of suppression, the government issued what Mutendi called a "Peace Order".[15] People with illnesses or other issues began to venture from far and wide to seek his counsel and intervention.[16]

After the nearly simultaneous death of Engenas Lekganyane and the beginning of apartheid in South Africa, Mutendi's branch of the ZCC became increasingly distinct from the main South African branch. Prior to 1948 Zimbabweans could travel freely to South Africa to visit the ZCC's two annual pilgrimages. The apartheid government's new travel requirements rendered these pilgrimages, as well as other contacts, far more difficult. Another bone of contention was that Mutendi did not condone ancestor worship, as did the parent South African church. In the early 1950s Mutendi built his own "Zion City" near Bikita and erected his headquarters there. This site became the new pilgrimage site for Zimbabwean ZCC members. As a result of the new reality, Mutendi wrote his sacred text, the Rungano Rwa Zion Christian Church, which included a new constitution that made it distinct from the Lekganyane ZCC.[17] Mutendi also began to mandate the use of different sorts of sacred clothing by his members. Over the decades, Mutendi's organization continued to grow and evolved into Zimbabwe's largest church."...
-snip-
Here's some information about from his Wikipedia page 
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Engenas_Lekganyane
"Engenas Barnabas Lekganyane (c. 1885–1948) was the founder of the Zion Christian Church (ZCC). He first formed the ZCC in 1924, and by the time of his death the church had at least 50,000 members. Under the leadership of his descendants the ZCC has gone on to have more than a million members primarily located in southern Africa.[1] It is now by far the biggest of the various Zionist Christian sects that account for roughly half of all Christians in southern Africa."....
Click https://www.sahistory.org.za/article/zion-christian-church-zcc#:~:text=The%20ZCC%20took%20its%20name,based%20in%20Thabakgone%2C%20near%20Polokwane.&text=%5Biii%5D%20The%20ZCC%20grew%20rapidly,1935%20and%208000%20by%201940. for more information about the Zion Christian Church (ZCC).

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EXCERPT #7
From Google Books: Who Needs a Missionary?: How the Gospel Works All by Itself https://books.google.com › books

Robert Reese · 2014 · ‎Religion
…“Night services in rural Zimbabwe are always dimly lit by candles or kerosene which often lend them an eerie glow.  Most African worship is exuberant, but the Zionist take it to another level.  They like to dance in circles and on that night they became like whirling dervishes. Their singing and dancing in a circle, with each dancer spinning round and round, robes swirling in the dim light, created a surreal scene.  Faster and faster they spun as the singing intensified.  The scene was nothing short of mesmerizing.  Zionist always put an incredible amount of energy into their worship, and frequently hold all night prayer meetings in the bush.”….

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EXCERPT #8
From https://fullerstudio.fuller.edu/interfaith-earth-care-and-dialogue-in-zimbabwe/ Interfaith Earth Care and Dialogue in Zimbabwe
by Dana Roberts
..."My most memorable experiences of interfaith dialogue came in the context of accompanying my husband, Inus Daneel, in his ministry among Indigenous Churches and Traditionalists in Zimbabwe. 

[…]

My own position as wife of “Bishop Moses” gave me a bird’s eye view of practical interfaith activities.3 In addition to serving for several years as vice president of the board of trustees of ZIRRCON*, I accompanied Inus to outdoor church services in which he functioned as a Ndaza Zionist bishop, dancing in a circle with the men and laying on hands to heal people.”…
-snip-
This sentence is written in italics to highlight it. 

* from https://twitter.com/zirrcontrustzim 
[ZIRRCON is a] "Zimbabwe Institute Of Religious Research And Ecological Conservation. [a] Nonprofit organization that takes Religio-Ecological approach to solve Climate Change." -snip- Click https://theglobalchurchproject.com/39-m-l-daneel-growth-dynamism-african-initiated-churches-african-earthkeeping-movements-podcast/ for information about Inus Daneel.

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EXCERPT #9
From https://www.jstor.org/stable/1160267 Ritual Healing and Political Acquiescence: The Case of the Zionist Churches in Southern Africa

Matthew Schoffeleers

Africa: Journal of the International African Institute

Vol. 61, No. 1 (1991), pp. 1-25 (25 pages)

Published By: Cambridge University Press

Ritual Healing and Political Acquiescence: The Case of the Zionist ...

..."between some of the Zionist Churches and the South African government, ... The rituals of healing place the needy in a circle of touching, caring fellows."...
-snip-
Unfortunately, this is the only portion of this journal article that I have access to.

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EXCERPT #10
From https://www.jstor.org/stable/24764001
Performing the Holy Spirit: Ritualised Manifestations of Faith in an African Independent Church

Colin Skelton

Journal for the Study of Religion

Vol. 23, No. 1/2, Public Faith and the Politics of Faith (2010), pp. 151-172 (22 pages)

Published By: Association for the Study of Religion in Southern Africa (ASRSA)
"This research examines the aesthetic manifestations of religious belief, particularly in the Holy Spirit, through consideration of the performative dimensions and ritualised behaviours in the church services of an African Independent Church, namely, the New Gospel Church in Zion of Africa (NGCZA). The significance of specific objects and activities within the sacred context and how these contribute to the performance of belief among the congregants is central to this consideration. Drawing on the ritual performance theories of Turner and Schechner, the article argues that NGCZA church activity is highly influenced by a belief in the Holy Spirit. The results also indicated that religious activity enables an environment that is conducive to the emergence of liminal identities. Enabled from within a ritual frame that guides proceedings, the use of religious objects such as uniforms, clothing and drums facilitate an invocation of the Holy Spirit for the purposes of healing. Religious belief, once enacted, results in highly performative activities and actions within spiritually charged spaces."
-snip-
Unfortunately, this is the only portion of this journal article that I have access to.

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EXCERPT #11
From http://www.skeptron.uu.se/broady/sec/sec-20.pdf WHERE GOD LIVES AN INTRODUCTION TO A STUDY OF THE INDEPENDENT CHURCHES IN MAPUTO, MOZAMBIQUE By Ulla Alfredsson In collaboration with Calisto Linha,  SEC Research Reports 20, 1998
[page 32]  
... "Today in Europan Christian philosophy, not least in the Protestant version, the human being is alone and at the mercy of God`s grace, in line with the individualism that has developed over the centuries in Europe. In contrast, people brought up in an African society traditionally have their roots, hope, strength and sense of belonging within the collective. Consequently, within the Independent churches, the individual´s despairs, sorrows, difficulties (and joy) are not left to that person alone; they are felt and shared by all members of the congregation. We have seen example of this, when after the mass, people, mostly women, have gone up, knelt in the middle on the floor and told their stories. The stories were about how the women had been robbed of their money or their belongings in one way or another. 

The churches and their members are poor and not able to give much material support, but what they do give is moral support. In the church they all sing, dance and pray for the bereaved person and in that way everone participiates in the loss. The participation can go further than this. One woman told us, that in her church, when someone had real serious problems, the whole congregation gathered in the church-building for three days and nigths; fasting, praying, sleeping and all concentrating on the afflicted one. 

Sometimes the prophesy rituals demonstrate an illustrative mixture of collectiveness and privacy. The congregation is singing and dancing around the person who wants to be counselled, and in that way everyone is partaking in the ritual, but at the same time the singing and dancing ensure that none can hear what is being said,either by the afflicted person or the one making prophesies, and that any secrets revealed will remain secrets between the two....

[...]

[page 34] 
But it is not only on Sundays people go to church. Every day there are activities. Tuesday and Friday nights are devoted to healing and counselling, performed in the same way as we have described above with people singing and dancing around the person to be counselled in order to guarantee privacy."...

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