The History Of The African Brazilian Careta (Fanti) Carnival in Lagos, Nigeria (2007 pdf excerpt)

Edited by Azizi Powell

This is Part II of a three part pancocojams series on the history of Afro-Brazilians in Lagos, Nigeria.

Part II provides an excerpt of a 2007 pdf by Alaba Simpson (Covenant University, Ogun State, Nigeria) on the history of the Careta (Fanti) Carnival in Lagos, Nigeria.

Click https://pancocojams.blogspot.com/2020/04/the-history-of-afro-brazilians-in-lagos.html for Part I of this pancocojams series. Part I provides three online excerpts about the history of Afro-Brazilians in Lagos, Nigeria.

Click https://pancocojams.blogspot.com/2020/04/2017-youtube-video-about-afro.html for Part III of this pancocojams series. Part III showcases a YouTube video entitled "CNN Inside Africa: Afro Brazilians From Slaves to Returnees-July 2017". Selected comments from this video's discussion thread are also included in that post.

The content of this post is presented for historical and cultural purposes.

All copyrights remain with their owners.

Thanks to all those who are quoted in this post.
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I was motivated to publish this pancocojams post after watching Nigerian singer Davido's video "1 Milli". That video features elements of traditional Yoruba orisha/Afro-Brazilian culture.

Click https://pancocojams.blogspot.com/2020/04/youtube-discussion-thread-comments.html for Part II of a pancocojams series about Davido's "1 Milli" song/video. That pancocojams post is entitled "YouTube Discussion Thread Comments About Orishas & Afro-Brazilians Influences In The Official Video Of Nigerian Singer Davido's Song "1 Milli" ".

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EXCERPT FROM PDF
http://www.diaspora.illinois.edu/news0607/news0607-6.pdf "The Politics of Culture and Diaspora Settlement in Lagos: Ethnographic Presentation of the African Brazilian Fanti/Caretta Carnival" By Alaba Simpson*; June 2007 Newsletter [The complete article is 28 pages including text, photographs, and references.]
*Note: The author, Alaba Simpson, Ph.D., is affiliated with the Department of Sociology, College of Human Development, Covenant University, Ota, Ogun State, Nigeria

"This paper offers an ethnographic presentation of the politics of Diaspora settlement in Lagos, using the popular Fanti/Caretta carnival as point of assessment. It notes that the seemingly entertaining cultural aspect of the people of Lagos as highlighted by the Fanti/Caretta carnival goes beyond mere aesthetic appeal and appreciation that largely characterizes the subject. It emphasizes some cultural and remarkable features that characterized the years which immediately followed the abolition of the slave trade and the ensuing return to Nigeria of some librated slave descendants from Brazil, where a significant proportion of the slaves from the West coast of Africa had been transported. The people, who at their return, were settled in the Campos area of the Lagos Island, had brought with them some aspects of Portuguese culture from Brazil, and largely incorporated these into the existing cultural patterns in Lagos, among which was the Caretta (later known as Fanti). The returnees were largely believed to have experienced exclusion as they tried to integrate with the culture of the larger Lagos Island. The strains that were involved in the adjustment procedures motivated the Diaspora community to seek solace in the performance of the Caretta carnival which was a socio-cultural activity that was practiced by them during the time of slavery in Brazil. The carnival has metamorphosed over the years into a widely accepted

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cultural feature of the people of Lagos. Through the present ethnographic report the carnival is being presented as a profitable window through which specific aspects of the earlier indigenes versus African Brazilian inter-group relational activities in the area can be gauged.

Background to Study
This paper is derived from an ethnographic research work that was carried out among the inhabitants of Lagos Island in Nigeria (2002-2004). Related photographs by the author are presented at the end of the paper.

Introduction
The years that immediately followed the abolition of the trans-Atlantic slave trade and the ensuing return of some librated slaves from Brazil where a significant proportion of the slaves from Africa were transported, were quite remarkable in Lagos. This is because the people experienced seclusion on arrival as they were settling into the culture from where their ancestors had left as slaves and where they had now returned to settle. They had brought with them some aspects of the Portuguese culture from Brazil, including the “Careta” carnival which later came to assume the name “Fanti.” These cultural practices introduced a basic dimension of re-contact that can be described as “recycled acculturation.” The latter is relatively indicative of a two-way culture contact or cultural diffusion among a people facing a new experience of being regroomed at their return from the land of slavery into their original culture. The process of regrooming had to contend with a backlog catalogue of the imbibed culture from Brazil.

Along this line, the Nigeria Magazine (1975) has noted the cultural importation of acquired experiences by the post slavery African returnees to Nigeria:

During the slave trade period, many Nigerians were taken to Brazil where several generations lived and died. With the abolition of the slave trade, [page 3] the emancipated ones returned home, bringing with them, elements of Brazilian cultures that were deep rooted in their experiences.
(Nigeria Magazine, 1975:52)

[...]

The socio-cultural practices that are involved in the Carreta turned Fanti carnival presently require documentation that goes beyond mere aesthetic manifestations of the carnivals representation but preserves in addition, the memory of slave trade among the people of Lagos and its immediate environment. “Freedom Dance” (Simpson, 1992) which the erstwhile slaves practiced on the plantation field is still very much to date, a part of the cultural practice in the former slave port of Badagry in Nigeria.

The absence, to a large extent, of sociological and ethnographic writings on the subject of settlement by the returned descendants of the Atlantic slave trade captives has so far not allowed this aspect of the culture of Lagos to be adequately approached at the level of research investigations. The present work therefore offers an ethnographic documentation of Fanti as an

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aspect of the socio-cultural relationship between the African Brazilians and their traditional cousins on the island of Lagos, bringing to bare, the undertones of political anthropology as characterizing such relationships.

Undoubtedly, the African-Brazilians that arrived in Lagos had been greatly acculturated by their Brazilian slave captors-turned-mentors. For example, the main Christian denominational faith of Catholicism was profoundly impressed upon the lifestyle of the returnees, an attribute that gave rise to their being referred to as “Aguda,” the popular name by which the adherents of the Catholic denomination are called. Similarly, the taking on of Portuguese names was greatly reflected in the overall social presentation of the people.

The phrases from the Portuguese language during normal conversation or discussions has come to reveal over time, the impact of Portuguese influence on the general lifestyle of the African Brazilian in Lagos. Consequently, they began to practice the trades which they had learnt while in the land of their captivity. Such trade included building, tailoring, carpentry, welding and so on. These were soon emulated by the people of Lagos who came to acquire some of the traits in African-Brazilian life patterns.

Such acquired culture traits of African-Brazilian origin cut across different aspects of the people‟s lifestyle. These include religion, music, dances, festivals and carnivals, social performances, dress modes, food types and their preparations as well as architectural designs.

Indeed, the impact of the architectural aesthetics on the Lagos island and beyond has proved a major point in establishing the presence of African-Brazilian influence on Lagos across time.

Lagos State: A Brief Overview
The island of Lagos, which by far predates the State named after it, was originally given its name by the Portuguese who called it “Lago de Kuramo,” having been attracted to the

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area by its suitability as a slave port (Burns, 1955:3). Originally, its earlier foundational refuge seeking settlers called Lagos “Eko,” and it is still very much known by this native name in contemporary times. Indeed, the central point of Lagos is commonly referred to as “Isale Eko,” a term that may be taken to infer “The core area of Lagos.”

As the erstwhile Federal Capital Territory, the island of Lagos has gained wide popularity both at home and abroad, and it is by the same Portuguese-derived name that Lagos State, which is the present commercial capital of Nigeria has come to be named.

[...]

Relics and Evidences of Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade

[...]

Aguda in Popular Sayings of Lagos
Whichever way they are perceived, there remain certain characteristics that are identified with the Aguda, and these have come to be built into popular Yoruba sayings in Lagos in contemporary times. Such sayings, some of which are examined below, will no doubt assist in generating deeper understanding of the ways in which the concept of Aguda is perceived among the people of Lagos State.

“Jaguda je Gbaguda Aguda.” The last three letters that form the phrase “guda” in the words “Jaguda,” “Gbaguda” and “Aguda” reveal the tongue twisting nature of this saying that came to render it popular among the people of Lagos. In the saying, “Jaguda,” which is one of the alternative words for “ole” (meaning “thief”), is said to have eaten the cassava (gbaguda) of the Aguda (the African-Brazilian). Some older members of the Lagos island community are of the belief that the word “jaguda” actually derived from the Yoruba expression “ja Aguda l‟ole.” This simply means “stealing from the Aguda.” The saying also illustrates the elitist status that was believed to have been associated with the early African-Brazilians in Lagos State, a view that persists to date.

[...]

10.
The Early Period of Fanti Carnival
Fanti was not the original name of the carnival that has come to be known by that name in contemporary Lagos Island and beyond. The celebrated carnival has its roots in the cultural expression of the African-Brazilian returnees on the Lagos Island. It dates back to the close of the nineteenth century and gained prominence in the twentieth century. Oral tradition in the Lagos island area has traced the introduction of the carnival in Lagos to a “fill-gap” incidence among the early returnees.

These people were claimed to have reached a decision on the need to introduce one of the events that were observed and which had “kept them going” during their sojourn on the slave land. It was seen as a way of breaking the monotony of adjusting to new environment even where such environment was their original continent and homeland. The strains that were involved in the adjustment procedures, coupled with the desire to be associated with some form of culture that was identified with them motivated the returnees to introduce the Careta carnival, a socio-cultural activity that was practiced by them during the time of slavery.

Fanti has been mostly depicted as having emerged out of the carnival known as “Careta,” which is widely accepted as the Portuguese expression for “mask.” Also, it has been associated with the name “Fancy” especially among the Ologbowo residents, given its highly decorative pattern as commonly reflected on participants‟ costumes and environment. It started mainly, in an atmosphere of jollity as embodied in the festive terrain of dance, music, colourful costumes, typical African-Brazilian cuisine, display of competitive float and diverse entertainment acts.

Popular explanation of the Careta carnival has also stressed a close link between the carnival and the Catholic celebration of the beginning of the Christian fasting period that eventually culminated into the Easter season. Hence, it is indelibly identified in early Lagos, with the concept of Aguda, both as African-Brazilian descendants and as the people of the Catholic faith.

The Adaptation of “Fanti” as the Carnival Name
“Fanti” as the name for this contemporary carnival has been traced to two main sources.

The first source suggests that the name was derived from the enthusiastic reaction of the people in Lagos, to the ingenious contribution to the carnival of the year 1936, of the Fanti (Togolese and
Ghanian) settlers in the Lafiaji area of Lagos.

During the carnival performance of the year 1936, this group of settlers who were mostly washermen, did not have the wherewithal for the elaborate costumes that were demanded by the conduct of the carnival and so came out in the relatively cheaper “Ankara” clothe ( a localy printed cotton material of Ghanaian origin ). This generated remarkable appraisal from the people of Lagos and so their group came to be known by the name Fanti and this came later to be adopted as a reference title for the African-Brazilian carnival.

The second explanation sees Fanti as an adulteration of the word “Fancy” by which the carnival was claimed to have been known at a point during its early stage in Lagos. “Fancy” was particularly associated with the Sierra-Leonean sub-group of the Lagos indigenes in the Olowogbowo area of the Brazilian Quarters. These are those who were claimed to have chosen to identify their own carnival group regardless of other names, by the title “Fancy.”

11.
Some members of the Fanti Carnival Association have insisted on the “Careta” explanation. As a result, the correspondence Logo of the Association is presently depicted by the artwork and lithographic representation of “careta.”

Sometimes, there is among the people of Lagos, a mix-up in terms of appellation, of both Fanti and Fancy. Some have even suggested that Fanti is a corruption of the word “Fancy,” but there is no doubt that the name by which the carnival is known in contemporary Lagos State is “Fanti.”

The Disintegration and Resuscitation of Fanti
At a point in the history of Fanti in Lagos state, the carnival was labeled as violent but later metamorphosed into a large organization that currently spans a wide terrain of the geographical spread of Lagos State. The case of Fanti in Lagos State testifies to this.

[...]

For example, the members of the Egungun Masquerade group introduced the use of the cane that was characteristic of the Egungun festival. Members of this group believed that the introduction of the cane into Fanti will enable the “visitor” from the realm of the spirit to make use of the cane on his visit, to ensure discipline and effect cleansing during the Fanti carnival.

Similarly, the “Opambata,” the ritual stick that is used during the Eyo Festival for blessing the people by lightly tapping them on the shoulder was introduced into Fanti, albeit with an undertone of violence. The use of the cane and the stick among other things and the ensuing

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violence that was precipitated by them thus discouraged the Afro-Brazilian custodians of this carnival and caused some lull in the regular performance of the carnival.

Although the performance of Fanti was perceived for a long time to have lost its original gaiety, it soon began to pick up social recognition once again when in the early nineties, there came a new initiative to clean up the organization and introduce discipline and decency into it. Unfortunately at this time, there began to creep into the Fanti scene, the appearance of certain elements of rivalry between the Afro-Brazilians who were the original custodians of the carnival and the early settlers.

As part of the efforts to resuscitate Fanti, the “Family Pride” concept was introduced at the early part of the 1990s by a new leadership structure in the carnival organization. This was to serve as a platform on which the element of pride in family decent could be tapped to reawaken general interest in the carnival.

According to some members of the Lagos Island and those within the Brazilian Quarters in particular, the organizers of Fanti approached Coca-Cola as a corporate citizen in the country and acknowledged forerunner in the international soft drinks market for support in this resuscitating exercise. The organization assisted by putting up banners for different family houses, announcing their membership and participating intention in the Fanti that was coming up at the time. This action gingered up the interest of the people and many houses and family compound sought for recognition through the medium.

Similarly, the sale of “Ankara” material was used as part of the attire for the approaching carnival parade was used as another form of incentive to get people to come out in large numbers for the intended image renewing carnival.

[...]

14.
Songs and Acts that Tell Stories in Fanti

[...]

Indeed, role reversal in terms of dressing and mannerism forms a major part of the carnival performance. The acts of “free dressing” by which some male members come out in female attire and with seemingly feminine demeanor are prominent features of the carnival.

Indeed, role reversal in terms of dressing and mannerism was a major part of the carnival performance in Lagos. An aspect of “free dressing” in which some male members of the carnival had come out in female attire thus permeated the carnival scene. For example, the Fanti people of Lafiaji also came out with role reversal acts in which the men dressed like women and referred to themselves as “Iyawo Olele” (fake bride) in their “Ankarah” wears. The term implies the status of a newly wedded wife who would usually be seen to walk with elegant gait and exaggerated strides....

Words contained in popular Lagos songs are sometimes clearly changed to accommodate certain sexual connotations during the Fanti carnival celebration. The following is a typical example of such songs:

Omo pupa baba oloye,
A jo ma ro mo l’orun ni.

Within its original context, the song, which infers the following:

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“The fair-skinned girl (lover) of the title-holding father (chief), Together, we shall all rest our arms around her neck” is turned during the occasion of Fanti carnival, to:

Omo pupa baba oloye,
a jo ma ro mo l’oyon ni

Here, the initial expression “a jo ma ro mo l‟orun ni” (together we shall rest our hands around her neck) thus becomes “a jo ma ro mo l‟oyon ni” ( together we shall rest our arms on her breast). “Neck” is thus changed to “breast” in the vulgarization of this particular song. During the rend ration of this song which is greatly accompanied with dancing, side comments like “ti o ba ti le gba!” (“If only she can agree!”) or “feeku feeku” (“almost to a point of dying!”), implying “seriously so!”

The song can also be said to be indicative of the admirable qualities that were associated with the fair skinned individuals on the island, especially of the female sex. It is not unlikely that the attributed fairness of the proverbial lover-girl of the chief is as a result of the African-Brazilian heritage features of this personality who eventually was taken for wife by a traditional chief on the Lagos Island. African-Brazilian men were also mentioned during the course of research to have taken for wives, notable women from among the earlier settlers of the Lagos indigenes.

The preferred choice of fair skinned female participants as Queen during Fanti carnivals (as shown in the picture below) is an indication of the preference for this skin colour type among the people of Lagos Island. Lagos Island native women were claimed to have been noted as being very free with sex, and the African Brazilian male were highly appreciative of this.

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Moving further to the social relationship aspect of the natives of the core area of Lagos and the Afro-Brazilian descendants – the two dominant groups on the Lagos Island, a particular song that clearly points out the occasional acknowledgement of the separate status of these two groups is presented as follows:

Isale Eko o e, Isale Eko o e,
Isale Eko o, a mo’ra wa,
Awon atohun rin wa o, won mo ra won.

Literally, the song implies that “we, as the original occupiers of Lagos (Isale Eko), we know ourselves. Just as we know ourselves, those that came in from „there‟ also know themselves.” A critical examination of the intent and content of this song can be seen to tell of an underlying current of division that separates occasionally, the core indigenes (as the earlier settlers in Lagos mostly see themselves), and the later settlers of which the Aguda (Afro-Brazilian descendants) make up a significant composition.

Also, the apparent supremacy that is often claimed by the people of Lagos Island and particularly of the Isale Eko segment of the island finds expression in the following song that is popular during festivals, ceremonies, carnivals and other functions in Lagos:

Isale Eko area, b’o se kere mo ni won,
Awon t’o wa nibe, baba ni won o!

The song describes the area referred to as Isale Eko (consisting for example, Enu Owa, Oju Olokun, Idoluwo, Idumagbo, Ita Onikoyi, Dosunmu and others) which is very small in size but contains within it, people with notable personality. This type of song has proved intimidating in times past to the people not only of Afro-Brazilian origin but also those who occupy the areas on the island that are not within the immediate enclave of the Isale Eko area.

[...]

During the time when violence appeared to be a major signpost of Fanti, a song that was common during the carnival performances was built around two favourite meals that were associated with the people of Lagos – dodo (fried plantain) and moinmoin (cooked bean cake).
It goes thus:

Oni dodo, oni moinmoin,
Igbati ko ta, ogbe ‘gba kale,
E wa wo’ja ni Lafiaji!

Literally translated, the song tells of the fighting that ensued between the respective sellers of dodo and moinmoin when sales were low. Its deep-seated meaning however has been linked to the disgruntlements that arose from the pulling out from the carnival by the original custodians of the programme who were claimed to have been unwilling to accommodate violence as a part of the carnival.

Another violence oriented carnival song that appeared to be popular in the hay days of Fanti carnival in Lagos was:

Lafiaji ma ja mo o, Lafiaji maja mo o,
Camposi ti wa bebe, Lafiaji maja mo o, e.

The literal meaning of this song is as follows:

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Lafiaji, please stop fighting, Lafiaji, stop fighting,
Campos has come to make reconciliatory moves,
Lafiaji, ( I implore you) stop fighting now.

Depending on the group singing, the one who has come to make peace is incidentally, always the outer group. Hence, Lafiaji is sometimes changed to Campos, depending on which group is rendering the song.
Opposition songs among the group also include:

Emi leru, emi leru, emi leru
Oya logberu, oya l’gberu,
T’o ba pade awa, wa gbo
koboko lehin re. Kekere
Camposi, omo awo ree o,
Kekere Camposi’ omo
awo ree o!

This song is confrontational in nature, a daring reference to the physical lashing of anyone who attempts to undermine the leadership prowess of the Campos segment in the Fanti carnival set up. Translated, the song implies the following:

Just what is it you depend on?
Just what is it you depend on?
Is it the antelope that you carry?
When you come up against us,
You will hear the sound of the
Whip-lash on your back! Little
Campos! In you reside the secret
of the mighty.

It must be noted that the erstwhile violence related songs do not connote antagonism in present day observance of the carnival. Consequently, amidst these utterances in songs, there are great jollifications and fanfare that put the environment in great merriment and inter-area participation and cooperation.

There is therefore the interplay of conflict and necessary cooperation among the people as Fanti continues to stand out as one of the major carnivals of Lagos State. Although its association with the people of Afro-Brazilian descent has persisted from the time of its importation into Lagos, it is increasingly perceived as a general cultural practice of Lagos State in the areas outside of the immediate enclave of the Lagos Island.

Fanti Carnival In Contemporary Lagos State
Nowadays, Fanti carnival has extended beyond the Lagos Island to other parts of Lagos State that were hitherto not included in the hosting of this cultural event. With the extension of the carnival to the other parts of Lagos State, it has now become an all-embracive holiday event, including Muslim festival periods. In short, Fanti is becoming more and more identified with notable holiday celebrations in Lagos State. Consequently, various forms of music from other cultural backgrounds have been introduced into the carnival, including Fuji, Juju and Brigade band music. "...

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This concludes Part III of this pancocojams series on African-Brazilians in Lagos.

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