This is the first post in an ongoing pancocojams series about African stick fighting.
This post quotes excerpts of the 2002 paper "Zulu Stick Fighting: A Socio-Historical Overview" by Marié-Heleen Coetzee (2002)
This post also showcases a YouTube video of Zulu stick fighting.
Click the "African stick fighting" tag below for other posts in this series.
The content of this post is presented for historical, cultural, and educational purposes.
As a reminder, pancocojams is a non-commercial cultural blog that I curate on a volunteer basis. I publish excerpts of articles and book excerpts, many of which are obscure and difficult to find, with the hope that this blog's visitors will read the entire articles or books that are quoted.
All copyrights remain with their owners.
Thanks to Marié-Heleen Coetzee for writing this paper and sharing it online. Thanks also to siyabonga makhathini for sharing information about videos of Zulu stick fighting.
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ONLINE PAPER EXCERPT:
Coetzee, Marié-Heleen. (2002) "Zulu Stick Fighting: A Socio-Historical Overview"
From https://ejmas.com/jalt/jaltart_Coetzee_0902.htm
"1. Cultural Background
1a. Introduction
The Zulus are one of the Nguni people of South Africa. Linguistically and culturally, the Xhosa, Pondo, and Thembu are Southern Nguni, while the Zulu, Swazi, and Ndebele are Northern Nguni.
During the 1810s, a Zulu leader named Shaka kaSenzangakona established an empire in northeastern South Africa whose military relied on phalanxes rather than skirmish lines. His armies were highly successful, and within a few decades, his style of warfare spread as far north as Lake Tanganyika.
Although Shaka was assassinated in 1828, his kingdom survived until 1879, when it was destroyed by the British, who feared a Zulu attack on the white settlements then expanding outward from Durban. The Zulu culture, however, survived into the present, and today there are about 8.8 million Zulus, most of whom still live in KwaZulu-Natal. (The name Natal is owed to the Portuguese explorer, Vasco da Gama, who reached its coast on Christmas Day, 1497.)
1b. Origins of Zulu Stick Fighting
The genealogy of the presumed originators of Zulu stick fighting is traced to Amalandela, son of Gumede, who inhabited the Umhlatuze valley about 1670 (Werner, 1995:28). The exact location of Amalandela’s former habitat remains an enigma.
According to Bryant (1949:3), Amalandela was a member of the Ntunga Nguni clan. According to Dalrymple (1983:74), he fathered two sons, respectively named Qwabe and Zulu, and the latter gave his name to the Zulu people.
The recent history of stick fighting is traced to the legacy of the Zulu king Shaka. Shaka lived from 1787 to 1828, and during his reign, he established the Zulu Empire and became Southern Africa’s most legendary warrior-king.
Until recently, historians credited Shaka with the development of Zulu warfare, with its emphasis on stabbing spears and phalanxes, but recent research suggests that the weapons, strategies, and tactics accredited to him were established before his rise to power. The great warriors preceding Shaka, like so many historical figures and events, are hidden from documented history, and forgotten even in the oral traditions.
Nonetheless, it is generally agreed that during Shaka’s reign, stick fighting was used as a means of training young men for both self-defence and war. Shaka himself, in Ritter’s version of the story, was already a highly proficient stick fighter at the age of 11 (1957:14).
2. Social Uses of Zulu Stick Fighting
2a. Introduction
Zulu stick fighting provides an opportunity for men to build courage and skill, to distinguish themselves as proficient warriors, and to earn respect in the community (Ntuli, Interview, 1996). Leitch (Interview, 1996) is of the opinion that the techniques and manoeuvres applied in stick fighting are identical to those implemented during traditional Zulu warfare, the only difference being the weapons used. Nonetheless, stick fighting is a game, and the dynamics of stick fighting are generally playful. The exceptions are when sticks are used for self-defense or in a faction fight, or when amashinga (professional stick fighters) compete.
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2c. Twentieth Century
In Shaka’s time, stick fighting was used as training for warfare. However, during subsequent years, Zulus began using stick fighting to represent conflict resolution on a symbolic rather than military level. This form of symbolism still appears in the inter-district umgangela, or stick fighting competitions, held in rural areas such as Nongoma. Still later, stick fighting came to function as an expression of Zulu ethnicity, and to show political affiliation with the Zulu-dominated Inkatha Freedom Party (Mnqayi, Personal Communication, 1998).
Leitch (Interview, 1996) argues that this decontextualisation and exploitation of stick fighting for political gain has negatively affected perceptions of the art. For example, crowds misuse elements of stick fighting during marches in cities, or use their fighting sticks to express ethnicity. This association of stick fighting with violence and riots negates its profundity and beneficial social implications, and accordingly, many Zulu people distance themselves from the art (Mnqayi, Personal Communication, 1998).
Leitch (Interview, 1996) also believes that instances where crowds run out of control parody the traditional function of stick fighting in society. Control, respect, and accountability lack in such marches, whereas they are of the utmost importance in a stick fight. Qoma (as cited by Krog, 1994:42) states that the use of sticks became politicised to the extent that any African person carrying a stick is classified a "violent Zulu". As such, a practice that once played an instrumental role in building the pride of a nation has come to be regarded with contempt by some (Ntuli, Interview, 1996).
In the Tugela Basin and the South Coast (different areas than where I did my research), stick fighting has all but disappeared. Stick fighting is practised less frequently than in the past in KwaDlangezwa and Ongoye, too, apparently due to its association with recent violence (Mnqayi, Personal Communication, 1998). Leitch (Interview, 1996) believes that traditional stick fighting is nowadays only found in areas where there is little political friction.
Nonetheless, traditional stick fighting still takes place in some of rural areas of KwaZulu-Natal, where it continues to act as a process of socialisation, and to transmit the social norms of the community in which it operates. Therefore, while the practice of stick fighting is constantly modified by changes in the social system, it can still serve as a vehicle for mastering the body and mind, and be instrumental in nurturing the practitioner’s dignity and pride as a man (Ndaba, Interview, 1996).
2d. Stick Fighting as Martial Art
In the immigrant communities of Johannesburg, migrant Zulu workers sometimes teach stick fighting as a martial art. Meanings derived from these interactions are primarily related to sportsmanship (Qoma in Krog, 1994:42), and lack the integral social affiliations of traditional stick fighting. Stick fight demonstrations offered to tourists, such as at Shakaland (Home-video recording, 1996), are performances.
2e. Summary
Long past its days of glory, stick fighting is no longer a common practice among the Zulu people, and practitioners struggle to validate its existence in these days of political turmoil, acculturation, and modernisation. Nonetheless, stick fighting appears to assist in upholding the traditional social system by perpetuating socially accepted modes of male behaviour and ideals. Stick fighting, as a cultural tradition, therefore continues to fulfil its traditional didactic function in some Zulu communities.
3. Zulu Fighting Sticks (Izinduku)
3a. Introduction
Zulu men traditionally owned fighting sticks (izinduku). The sticks were stored in the roof of a house, and were carried for self-defence or used when the owner was challenged to a stick fight (Ntuli, Interview, 1996).
Adult males often owned several fighting sticks, and from these, they selected a pair to fight with (Ndlangavu as cited by Krog, 1994:42).
3b. Appearance and Construction
At the age of about 16, a Zulu boy’s father took him into the forest to choose and cut his own fighting sticks from trees. (Fighting Sticks, Episode 2, [S.a.]). As an adult, a man might make his own izinduku or employ a specialist to do so. Apartheid laws prohibiting South African people of colour from owning guns or displaying traditional weapons in public led to the use of instruments such as umbrellas and ordinary walking sticks as substitutes for traditional izinduku (Fighting Sticks, Episode 1, [S.a.]). Nonetheless, the practice of carrying sticks still prevails in some rural areas of KwaZulu-Natal, such as KwaDlangezwa.
Izinduku may differ in appearance according to their region of manufacture (Mzobe, Interview, 1996). However, regardless of appearance, izinduku must be stout enough to withstand the impact of blows from an opponent’s weapons.
Although the choice of wood for fighting sticks is often specific to the practitioner’s family lineage, (Fighting Sticks, Episode 2, [S.a.]), various local trees are suitably strong for use as fighting sticks. Thus, izinduku are made from trees such as the umqambathi, umazwenda, ibelendlovu, umphahla (Ntuli, Interview, 1996), umthathe, and umunquma (Ndlangavu as cited by Krog, 1994:24). [EN1]
Decorations on izinduku are for aesthetic purposes or to identify members of the different sides in a regional stick fight (Zulu, Interview, 1996). Decorations on the fighting sticks of informants observed at Nongoma include painted patterns, beadwork, and pieces of cloth.
3c. Offensive Fighting Stick (Induku)
For faction fighting and war, there are a number of sticks available. Examples include the short stabbing spear or iklwa, the swallow-tail axe or isisila senkonjane, the isizenze axe used by commoners, and the long spear named isijula (Derwent et al., 1998:86). The knobkerrie, or iwisa and isagila, is also available. Stick fighters, however, make use of two specific sticks in single combat.
The first stick is the offensive fighting stick, or induku. [EN2] This is a strong stick or shaft of wood without a knob carved smooth and used specifically for stick fighting.
The length of the induku depends on the physical stature of its owner, but is generally about 88 centimetres in length. The induku’s circumference increases slightly from bottom to top, and the extra weight that the head carries enhances the mobility of the stick during offensive manoeuvres.
The induku is held in the right hand, and used to strike at the opponent’s body and head. [EN3] A piece of cowhide can be tied around one end of the stick to secure the fighter’s grip on the weapon, and the whisk of a cow’s tail can be tied around the bottom of the stick to hide a sharp point. Although this sharp point can be used for stabbing, doing so is not considered appropriate during an honourable stick fight.
3d. Blocking Stick (Ubhoko)
Ubhoko or blocking stick, is a long, smooth stick that tapers down to a sharp point. As a defensive weapon, it is skilfully manoeuvred with the wrist of the left hand, and used to protect the body of a combatant from the opponent’s blows. Although its length depends on the physical stature of its owner, the ubhoko is meant to ensure protection from head to foot, and so is notably longer than
Although the ubhoko could be used as a stabbing weapon, in a stick fight, protocol demands that it be used exclusively for the purpose of defence. The action of defence with ubhoko can be referred to as ukuvika or ukuzihlaba (Mzimela, 1990:12).
3e. Umsila (Short Stick) and Ihawu (Shield)
Another short stick, umsila, is held in the left hand together with ubhoko. Not used for fighting as such, it is used instead to uphold the small shield, or ihawu, that protects the left hand. (The umsila runs vertically down the middle of the shield through four triangular nooses, and tapers to a point.) Fighters in Nongoma maintain that umsila is also used to protect the face during a stick fight. As an aesthetic accessory, Nongoma fighters tie strings of antelope skin to the top of umsila.
Ihawu is a relatively small and oval shaped piece of cow skin, held in the left hand. During Shaka’s regime, warriors were ranked by means of the colour of the shields they carried (Fighting Sticks, Episode 1 [S.a.]), but this convention is seemingly not evident in the choice of shields used for stick fighting.
There is no set size for ihawu, although it should be large enough to protect the hand and wrist, and small enough not to impede on ubhoko’s mobility. As a rule, however, the shield used for stick fighting is between 55 centimetres and 63 centimetres long, and 31 to 33 centimetres wide. A handle big enough to hold two or three fingers (the index, middle, and ring fingers) is located at the back of the shield, left of the umsila. Fighters first clutch the handle with two or three fingers before placing ubhoko in the left hand.
A soft cushion is placed on the inside of the shield to ensure that the hand remains protected from an opponent’s blows. Traditionally, this cushion was made from sheepskin, and called igusha. In contemporary times, sponge or other soft material, named isibhusha, has been utilised as a protective measure inside the ihawu (Zulu, Interview, 1996).
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5d. Female Sparring
No matter how important the role of sparring with sticks in the social construction of masculinity, it is an undesirable skill for females. Should a woman "jump over the sticks", especially during her menstrual cycle, misfortune is supposed to fall upon the owner of the sticks (Ntuli, Interview, 1996). Ironically, menstrual blood can be a potent medicine for strengthening the sticks when applied in conjunction with a number of other substances (Zulu, Interview, 1996). Nonetheless, Leitch (Fighting Sticks, Episode 1, [S.a.]) indicates that Zulu women can and will use this martial art when necessary. If a man has no sons to tend to the cattle, one of his daughters has to go to the field with the herd boys and she learns to stick fight with them. Tankiso Mafisa (Personal Communication, 1996) stated that her mother used to tend to cattle as a young girl, and stick fight with the boys.
6. Competitive Stick Fighting
6a. Playing Sticks (Ukudlalisa Induku)
Competitive stick fighting at festivals is called ukudlalisa induku, or "play sticks" (or alternatively, ukudlala induku, which roughly translates as "play sticks with you"). Although Msimang (1975:166) argues that by teaching methods, techniques, manoeuvres, and rules, sparring prepares the boys for fighting in single combat, Zulu stick fighting is essentially playful in nature.
Schoeman (1975:166) says that playing sticks at festivals such as the iphapu (lung festival) provide an opportunity for Zulu boys and men to experience first-hand different strategies, techniques, and rules. Derwent et al. (1998:36) argue that a challenge to play sticks can only take place at a wedding, but other sources contest this viewpoint. For example, stick fights challenges have been reported at the first fruits festivals (Clegg, 1981:8), the installation of a new traditional leader (Larlham, 1985:13), and inter-district fighting (Clegg, 1981:8). Stick fighting also occurs at social gatherings such as beer drinking (Stewart, Interview, 1996), an imbizo (Zulu, Interview, 1996), the iphapu festival (Schoeman, 1982:49), courtship (Stewart, Interview, 1996), and the thomba ceremony (Elliot, 1978:143). These sources do not indicate the nature of the combat, e.g., whether it was ukungcweka or a challenge.
Stick fighters begin to fight competitively at public ceremonies and social gatherings at about 18 years of age (Ntuli, Interview, 1996). The youngest fighters are about 15 years old, but it is unusual for a boy to start fighting publicly before he has fully passed puberty. When a boy reaches puberty, he receives a second name that is indicative of a contribution he made to the community (Stewart, Interview, 1996). This second name, or isithopo, may be self-composed or granted by peers and parents. Either way, the second name gradually develops into a personal izibongo that mediates an individual’s personal and social identity (Brown, 1998:87). This is mentioned because during a stick fight, the fighter is called by his second name, and his friends recite the story of how he acquired this second name (Stewart, Interview, 1996; Mzobe, Interview, 1996). Dumisani Mbhense (Personal Communication, 1996) points out that the recital of praises by the fighter’s peers is an enjoyable aspect of the action. Consequently, izibongo are statements of friendship among a combatant and his friends/family.
Leitch (Interview, 1996) points out that stick fighting is considered an activity for the young. Thus, a man will usually stop fighting in his mid-thirties, by which time he has earned respect as a proficient stick fighter. Older men assume responsibility for upholding the fabric of society, and become mentors to the younger men. Furthermore, to "retire" from stick fighting while your reputation as a fighter is intact is a means of ensuring that you remain respected as a warrior in your older days
6b. Surrogate and Professional Stick Fighters
Although Zulu people consider it chivalrous to fight one’s own fight, it is acceptable to stick fight on behalf of another person. Such a person might be an aggrieved younger brother who lacks experience in the skill, or someone who is unable to fight at the time. For example, a migrant labourer can request a man back at home to fight on his behalf. As such, he does not have to leave his work to stick fight and settle the issue at hand (Fighting sticks, Episode 1, [S.a.]).
Stick fighting can also take place on a "professional level". Leitch explains that a professional stick fighter, or ishinga, travels around in search of stick fights (Interview, 1996). According to Mzobe (Interview, 1996), the term ishinga refers to a very brave and even rude person. Unlike "social fighters", to use Leitch’s (Interview, 1996) phrasing, an ishinga’s only ambition is to demolish the opposition and earn another victory as the top stick fighter. His only reward is social recognition. He normally uses well-worn fighting equipment, and has an unkempt appearance. Men tend not to fight him, since the element of play is seemingly lacking in the ishinga’s approach to stick fighting. Mzobe (Interview, 1996) states that in cities such as Johannesburg, amashinga can fight for prizes or money. However, social stick fighting normally does not have an economic reward for the participants involved.”
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7. Rules and Protocols of Stick Fighting
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7c. The Ukugiya (Solo Display of Skills) and Associated Izibongo (Praises) and Izigiyo (Chants)
Once people have gathered around the selected space, the stick fighters take turns demonstrating ukugiyaukugiya prepared fighters psychologically for warfare and reaffirmed the army’s superior skills, and today ukugiya still takes place before a stick fight (Leitch, Interview, 1996).
Ukugiya do not follow set floor- or step patterns (Dalrymple, 1983:160), and are usually accompanied with praises, called izibongo, and war cries and chants, called izigiyo (Gunner & Gwala, 1994:1). Izigiyo are characterised by a militaristic phallocentrism, and often liken men to powerful totems such as bulls or lions that are self-reliant and "fiercely individualistic" (Derwent et al., 1998:70,136).Gunner and Gwala (1994:230) cite an example:
Igoso: Yaphind’ inkunzi!
Abanye: Yahlaba!
Gunner and Gwala (1994:231) translated this war chant into English:
Leader: The bull came again!
Others: It stabbed!
Credo Mutwa (1992:12) also uses a Zulu izigiyo in his play uNosilimela:
Ikhalaphi?
Induku zethu
Sizwa ngothi
Ikhalaphi?
Gunner and Gwala (1994:230) document this chant, too, although their documentation differs slightly from Mutwa’s in terms of spelling and punctuation. Gunner and Gwala’s last line also differs from Mutwa’s, reading "Ukuthi Ikhalaphi". Anyway, their English translation (1994: 231) of this izigiyo reads:
Where does it call from?
Our stick?
We can tell by the smell of blood!
Where it calls from!
Izibongo occupy a distinctive cultural space, and served a political function within the stratified Zulu monarchy (Brown, 1998:50). Izibongo in the ukugiya before a stick fight is understood in relation to izibongo recited at other occasions, but remains distinctly different from those. For detailed accounts of the various izibongo and discussion of their social significance, compare Gunner and Gwala (1994) and Brown (1998).
Izibongo in the ukugiya often link the fighter with a powerful animal. For example, Shaka’s izibongo often referred to him as lion or elephant (Brown, 1998:98). Izibongo can also associate a fighter with the heroic deeds of his ancestors (Leitch, Interview, 1996). These observations echo in the izibongo of Siyabonga Mzobe, recited by himself as an example of the manner in which his friends praise and encourage him during a stick fight:
Habu, Habu kaluphonjwana,
awumuhlabi, uyamshosholoza.
Thatha mfo kaMzobe,
mbulale!
Mzobe translated the praise as:
Small horns,
you don’t stab him, you are showing him.
Take it son of Mzobe,
kill him!
The ukugiya is therefore a statement of the fighter’s own ethos; a statement of himself as warrior, a celebration of youthful masculinity, and a display of physical prowess that can include re-enactment of heroic battles of the past. The praise is not necessarily serious, but can include comic elements such as jokes and humorous physical actions intended to amuse onlookers (Leitch, Interview, 1996).
Although Gunner and Gwala (1994:1) point out that izigiyo and ukugiya are closely associated with "war and martial prowess", they add that in contemporary South African life, "they stress a potential rather than constant all-embracing link with war and the martial". Thus, the ukugiya is not performed exclusively as an introduction to physical conflict. Instead, it has transcended its historical roots to become a celebration of youthful masculinity:
The ukugiya dance is often wild, flamboyant, athletic and even balletic. It often shows the exuberance and vigour of youth, particularly male youth, rather than harking back to the old martial ties and the days when men in the regiments (amabutho) performed ukugiya and were praised after battle. These warlike ties can, however, be called upon, depending on the context of place and time where the dancing and praising happens to be. (Gunner and Gwala, 1994:1-2)
The ukugiya is still performed before faction fights (Ntuli, Interview, 1996) and stick fights (Clegg, 1981:10). Its continued use in stick fights is perhaps in recognition of stick fighting as a form of symbolic warfare.
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8. Stick Fighting and the Larger Community
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8a (3). Spectators and Officials
Spectators are always present during stick fights to acknowledge what happened (Mbanjwa, Interview, 1996), and to judge if the fight was fair (Fighting sticks, Episode 1, [S.a.]). Although spectators play an integral role in the proceedings of a stick fight, they are not to interfere with the fighting.
Spectators consist mainly of men and young unmarried women in traditional attire (Mamthetwa as cited by Zulu, Interview, 1996). Men whistle, women ululate, and the spectators generally show a verbal appreciation of exciting actions (Zulu, Interview, 1996). The reaction of spectators can enhance the performance of the fighters, and the fight is followed with great enthusiasm (Leitch, Interview, 1996).
Although the duties of the warrior captains, or umphathi wensiswa, include maintaining order during the fights (Leitch, 1996), Clegg (1981:9-14) believes that the umgangela cannot contain the tension between the districts. This can lead to violent encounters; hence the development of the isishameni style of dancing, which is today a more socially acceptable expression of conflict in KwaZulu-Natal. Leitch (Interview, 1996), with reference to KwaZulu, is of the opinion that the escalating violence in contemporary Zulu society is a direct result of the decline in the practice of stick fighting. Faction fighting can be seen as a modern manifestation of tensions between parties, but is by no means an acceptable method of resolving conflict through physical interaction (Ntuli, Interview, 1996).
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8d. The Umshado (Wedding) Ceremony
A Zulu wedding is a public event that takes place over a period of about three days (Dalrymple, 1983:121). It involves specific rituals in various stages of the ceremony that Dalrymple (1983:121-194) and Bryant (1949:533-604) have described in detail. Therefore, I will only pay attention to the role that stick fighting plays in the occasion.
Nowadays stick fighting often takes place before a wedding ceremony to settle any disputes between parties (Larlham, 1985:6). However, Mbanjwa (Interview, 1996) and Dalrymple (1983:131) indicate that stick fighting can also take place after the wedding ceremony. For example, the last afternoon of the wedding observed by Dalrymple (1983:121-131) concluded with older men drinking beer in the cattle enclosure while younger men fought with sticks.
Ntuli (Interview, 1996) indicates that stick fighting is an expected part of a Zulu wedding, and that participants will engage in a fight even if there are no disputes to be settled. Accordingly, men attend the wedding fully prepared for a stick fight. Young men might also decorate their bodies and their hair with beadwork, or dress up in beautiful pants and string vests to impress the girls present. Mzobe (Interview, 1996) notes that to this day, Zulu men often dress in traditional attire for a wedding, and even hire the appropriate clothes if they do not possess their own.
Stick fighting takes place at a wedding to impress the girls and to build a reputation as a stick fighter of calibre (Leitch, Interview, 1996). A man might even pretend to be interested in another man’s girlfriend to provoke a fight (Shakaland, Home-video recording, 1996). Alternatively, a man might intentionally overdress and appear very arrogant in order to anger other men (Stewart, Interview, 1996).
It seems that people at the wedding are aware of the playful dynamics operating in the attempts to provoke a stick fight, and go along with the game. Zulu (Interview, 1996) sees a wedding as an opportunity to "play umgangela", suggesting that the action is not an overly serious competition between men.
As always, a suitable space for the fighting is selected. This space must be in view of the wedding party, but not disturbing the proceedings. The warrior captain chooses the ground, usually situated on a hillside that overlooks the wedding. (Although level ground is preferable, steep slopes will not prevent a stick fight from taking place.) The place at which a stick fight happens is termed umgangelo, and spectators delineate its space by forming a human circle big enough to accommodate the action (Leitch, Interview, 1996).
To ensure correct protocol, the fighting takes place under the supervision of the warrior captains or leaders of the group. There is a specific structure in the flow of events. Firstly, people gather around the selected space and the men take turns to ukugiya. Larlham (1985:6) states that the performance of a ukugiya serves as a challenge to any man who wishes to display his prowess as a stick fighter. Dalrymple (1983: 160), however, indicates that a person who disrupts an ukugiyaat a Zulu wedding risks a stick fight. After the performance of a ukugiya, the challenge takes place.
Mzobe (Interview, 1996) points out that a man could challenge another by teasing him. At his sister’s wedding in 1995, Mzobe’s peers jokingly remarked that his lean physique would hinder him in a stick fight. Mzobe accepted this challenge in an attempt to prove his fighting skills. The challenge is unambiguous and clearly distinguishable from the action.
To begin the stick fight, a man from the opposite party accepts the challenge by taking a step forward. The resulting fight can incorporate comical elements designed to entertain the spectators and infuriate the opponent (Leitch, Interview, 1996). The reactions of the spectators vary according to the course that the fight takes. The spectators exclaim their delight at a good manoeuvre and watch quietly as the fight grows serious. Ululating girls assist in building the excitement, and perform their stamping dance (ukuggiza) (Larlham, 1985:8), thus encouraging the fighters to prove their superiority at stick fighting. As soon as a man is defeated, another from the opposition takes the stage. A great number of men can partake in the stick fighting depending on the following of the bridal parties (Stewart, Interview, 1996). Leitch (Interview, 1996) indicates that five or six hundred men can be engaged in the fighting, without any fatalities occurring.
Stick fighting at weddings has been discouraged of late, due to the serious nature of the injuries that might occur. Mafisa (Personal Communication, 1996) states that stick fighting at Zulu weddings is no longer a common practice, and only occurs in the rural areas.
[…]
9. Conclusion
Traditional stick fighting, as performed in the rural areas of KwaZulu-Natal, continues to serve as a process of socialisation, and to transmit the social norms of the community in which it operates. In recent years, stick fighting has become politicised to the extent that this practice, which once played an instrumental role in building the pride of the Zulu nation, has come to be regarded with contempt or suspicion by some. Contemporary practices of stick fighting such as occurs in the hostels of mines, in the parks of Johannesburg, or in the competitive team sport played by men travelling to countries such as Japan, is a faint echo of the art’s traditional richness and social importance. In a country historically associated with the violation and exploitation of indigenous cultures in all spheres of life, vibrant arts such as Zulu, Pedi, Xhosa, Sotho or Ndebele stick fighting are long awaiting the recognition and respect that these arts deserve: fighting arts that are uniquely, and proudly, South African.
Bibliography
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SHOWCASE VIDEO: ZULU CUSTOMARY STICK FIGHT 1 - SOUTHERN ZULULAND 2018
siyabonga makhathini, Published on Apr 2, 2018
It is a Zulu custom that at a wedding warriors from the grooms area fight against warriors who are part of the brides entourage .There are also a lot of warriors who are wedding crashers ..uninvited just looking to enjoy a good fight.Warriors will all come together as one group to eat, drink and share warrior stories. Some who have fought against each other form alliances to go battle other warriors at future weddings.It all in the name of good fun and building respect amongst warriors
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Here's a comment from the producer/publisher of this video and a number of other YouTube videos on Zulu stick fighting:
siyabonga makhathini, 2018
"Stick fights usually occur at customary weddings , warriors will usually form a circle. When you step into the circle you are allowing your self to be challenged by any warrior. If by chance you do not want to fight the warrior who steps up to challenge you .You step out of the warrior zone . The rules are that you can hit a warrior anywhere with your stick , stabbing is usually not allowed unless two warriors have a score to settle then they ask for permission to go all out.There are injuries sometimes, wounds are covered with sand and cow dung.This is just a way for warriors to get to know and respect each other.They then all go together as a group to go have a drink and share warrior stories together."
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